An examination of the Hebrew text of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah shows that the three are closely related in language, style, and general point of view. From this it is reasonable to conclude either that all three were the work of one author or compiler, or that they were written at about the same time by various men who collaborated with one another. Early Jewish tradition attributes the Chronicles to Ezra, and modern scholarship generally assigns Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah to the same author. Internal evidence suggests a priest of the Persian period as the writer, both of which requirements are met by Ezra (Ezr 7:1­5). The fact that the opening verses of Ezra repeat the closing verses of Chronicles, almost verbatim, also indicates a close relationship between the two. Use by the writer of Chronicles of the Persian monetary system (1 Chr. 29:7) points to the Persian period as the time of writing. The fact that the genealogy of the royal line of Judah is carried several generations beyond Zerubbabel, who returned to Judea about 536 b.c., suggests that the date of writing could well have been a century or more after the time of Zerubbabel (ch 3:19­24). This and other evidence are taken as sufficient grounds for assigning Chronicles to about 400 b.c. The author's frequent reference to numerous other works (1 Chr. 27:24; 29:29; 2 Chr. 9:29; 12:15; 13:22; 20:34; 24:27; 26:22; 32:32; 33:19) suggests that he had access to an excellent source collection and that he made generous use of it, under the guidance of Inspiration.

Essentially, Chronicles is a record of the united kingdom under David and Solomon, and of their successors upon the throne of Judah down to the Babylonian captivity, which is a period of a little more than 4 cent. Considerably more than half of the contents of Chronicles parallels information found in other OT books, especially Samuel and Kings. Nevertheless, in style and emphasis it is clearly an independent work, written from its own distinctive point of view and designed to serve its own particular purpose. With the spiritual lessons of the Captivity vividly in mind, the author sets forth Israel's history as a nation prior to that tragic event in such a way as to show why captivity was inevitable. He stresses the moral and spiritual aspects of the events he records and seeks ever and again to point out that obedience to the revealed will of God brings peace and prosperity, whereas disobedience results in suffering and calamity. He emphasises the fact that the Lord rewards the righteous and punishes evildoers (see 1 Chr. 10:13; 11:9; 21:7; 2 Chr. 13:18; etc.). He assures Israel that she has nothing to fear for the future except as she might forget the lessons taught by her past history.

Chronicles may logically be divided into four parts: (1) Introduction, 1 Chr. 1 to 10; (2) Reign of David, chs 11 to 29; (3) Reign of Solomon, 2 Chr. 1 to 9; (4) Kingdom of Judah to the Captivity, chs 10 to 36. In the Introduction the historian traces, in a few bold strokes, the history of the world from Creation down to the accession of David. This brief sketch is largely genealogical, with emphasis on the royal tribe of Judah and the priestly tribe of Levi. These genealogical tables are interspersed, here and there, with brief biographical and historical items (1 Chr. 4:9, 10, 38­43; 5:9, 10, 16­26; 6:31, 32, 48, 49, 54­81; etc.). With a view to completeness the genealogies are continued on through the time of the united and divided kingdoms, the Captivity, and the Restoration to the time of writing. Nothing is said of Saul's reign except for a brief account of his death in battle, and this only by way of explaining why God rejected him, thus setting the stage for the accession of David.

Nineteen of the 65 chapters in Chronicles--nearly one third--are devoted to the glorious reign of David. David and Solomon together, whose reigns witnessed the golden era of Israelite history, are allotted 28 chapters, or almost half the space. The section covering the reign of David may be further subdivided into 3 parts, the first of which summarises the outstanding events of the period (1 Chr. 11 to 21). Included are the circumstances of his coronation as king over all Israel, his capture of Jerusalem and removal of the capital from Hebron to Jerusalem, the enumeration of his mighty men and army, his transfer of the ark to Jerusalem, the erection of his palace, his wars, and his numbering of the people. The second part of the Davidic section (chs 22:1 to 29:21) deals at length with David's preparations for the erection of the Temple, with his organisation of the service of priests and Levites, and his instructions to Solomon regarding the Temple. The third part of this section (1 Chr. 23:1; 1 Chr. 29:22­30) takes up, briefly, the transfer of authority to Solomon by David, and David's death.

The 3rd section, on Solomon (2 Chr. 1 to 9), is devoted chiefly to the construction and dedication of the Temple, with brief mention of Solomon's other public works and enterprises, his devotion to wisdom, and the splendour of his reign.

The 4th section (2 Chr. 10 to 36) covers the period of the divided kingdom, with emphasis on the kingdom of Judah. The history of this period is arranged under the successive reigns, with each ruler from Rehoboam to Zedekiah being accorded space. The revolt of the 10 tribes is covered rather fully, and thereafter major attention is given to the efforts of the reforming kings Asa, Jehoshaphat, Joash, Hezekiah, and Josiah to bring the nation back to God. This section closes with the 3rd deportation to Babylon and a brief epilogue of Cyrus' edict for the return.

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

During the course of his 2nd Missionary Journey Paul laboured at Corinth for a year and a half, about a.d. 51­52, and there founded a flourishing church (Acts 18:1­11). On his 3rd Missionary Journey he devoted 3 years to the city of Ephesus and the Roman province of Asia, about a.d. 54­57. After the apostle's departure from Corinth numerous doctrinal and practical problems had arisen, and word was brought to Paul at Ephesus, perhaps first by Apollos, a learned and eloquent Christian who had laboured earnestly to build up that church (Acts 18:24 to 19:1; cf. 1 Cor 16:12). Also, members of Chloe's household, who belonged to the Corinthian church, had come with disconcerting news of the state of affairs there (1 Cor 1:11). Further information came with the arrival of Stephanas, Fortunatus, and Achaicus (ch 16:17, 18), who may also have brought the letter of which Paul speaks in ch 7:1, in which the church asked Paul's judgement on certain matters. Gross practices were corrupting the church and dissipating its life and vitality, and heretical doctrines were being taught. Paul wrote a letter, now lost, admonishing the Corinthians to amend their scandalous ways and to discipline the guilty persons (ch 5:9, 11). From 2 Cor 2:1; 12:14; 13:1 some have inferred that Paul himself paid a brief, unrecorded visit to Corinth during this period of labour at Ephesus, one that had proved to be a painful and disappointing experience. At least he sent Timothy there (1 Cor 4:17; 16:10), quite likely as the bearer of what we now call his 1st epistle to the Corinthians--actually his 2nd letter to them. In this letter he promised to visit Corinth, hoping to leave Ephesus after Pentecost (ch 16:8). However, an unexpected event, the riot led by Demetrius the silversmith, forced him to leave the Asian city sooner than he had intended (Acts 19:21 to 20:3). Paul had also dispatched Titus to Corinth, in a further endeavour to settle affairs at Corinth prior to his own arrival. Titus was to rejoin Paul at Troas (2 Cor 2:13), but his failure to do so led Paul to press on into Macedonia. There Titus met him with the cheering news that the church at Corinth had responded heartily to the admonition he had sent, and was now thoroughly repentant (2 Cor 7:5­7). Thereupon, in joy and commendation, Paul wrote the letter we know as 2 Corinthians.

The 1st Corinthian epistle is objective and practical, carefully organised, and measured in tone. It contains firm reproof for irregularities that had crept into the church, and instruction on the points of faith and practice concerning which the church had sought further information. The author rebukes the factious spirit that had arisen, denounces immorality, especially a certain case of incest, and reproves Christians for restoring to litigation in secular courts. The instruction he gives is concerned with proper marriage relationships, meats sacrificed to idols, propriety in public worship, the proper observance of the Lord's Supper, spiritual gifts--particularly the gift of tongues--and the resurrection. 1 Corinthians may be divided into two parts, the 1st being concerned with problems of church discipline, and the 2nd chiefly with doctrinal instruction. Following a brief introduction (ch 1:1­9), Paul deals with the factions that had arisen in the church (ch 1:10 to 4:21). Professing allegiance to Paul or Apollos or Peter or Christ, these factions had already grievously split the young church, and it was in danger of disintegrating. Those who have proclaimed the gospel to them are simply servants of Jesus Christ, and He alone is to be exalted, honoured, and followed. In ch 5 Paul rebukes moral irregularities among Christians, and in particular a shameful case of incest. Chapter 6 admonishes church members to settle their own differences instead of haling one another into court. The church, he says, is fully qualified to administer justice among its members and all should submit to its judgement. The 7th chapter deals with marriage relationships and responsibilities, including problems that arise in a home where husband and wife are not united in the church. In chs 8:1 to 11:1 Paul answers the question of eating meats offered in sacrifice to idols and served at feasts to which Christians had been invited. While denying that idols in any way affect food, he stresses the supreme importance of doing nothing, even when right in itself, that might injure a fellow Christian's conscience and so risk the salvation of his soul. Women are to be veiled in church (ch 11:2­16). The Lord's Supper is not to be an occasion for riotous feasting, but is to be celebrated in discriminating solemnity (1 Cor 11:17­34). The gifts of the Spirit are to be recognised and honoured (ch 12), but even they are of less importance than the spirit of love among brethren (ch 13). The gift of tongues, in particular, must be exercised "decently and in order" (ch 14). The resurrection of the righteous and the bestowal of immortality are vouchsafed by the resurrection of our Lord (ch 15). In the closing chapter Paul takes up his plans for the future--the collection for the poor, his own intention to visit Corinth, his request for the acceptance of Timothy--and Apollos' decision to remain at Ephesus (ch 16:1­12). The letter closes with a series of exhortations and greetings (vs. 13­24).

The 2nd epistle is largely subjective and personal, and reflects Paul's anxiety for the Corinthian church and his joy at their repentance and reformation. He expresses gratitude and appreciation for their wholehearted reception of his previous epistle, and reviews some of the problems dealt with in it. In the final section, which deals in unwonted severity with a small minority who apparently persisted in opposing his counsel, the apostle sets forth proof of his apostolic authority and vindicates his course in dealing with the church at Corinth.

2 Corinthians logically falls into three main divisions. Following the introduction (2 Cor 1:1­11), Paul reviews his recent relations with the church (chs 1:12 to 7:16). He explains why he could not carry out his original plan to visit them (chs 1:12 to 2:4), counsels restoring a repentant offender to fellowship (ch 2:5­11), and expresses joy at the Corinthians' sincere repentance (vs. 12­17). He again vindicates his apostleship, which some at Corinth have challenged, and exalts apostles as the ambassadors of Christ (chs 3:1 to 6:10). He appeals to the Corinthians to lead holy lives, and again expresses his rejoicing at the warm-hearted response to his previous admonitions (chs 6:11 to 7:16). In chs 8 and 9, the second main division, Paul makes arrangements for completing the collection for the poor at Jerusalem, appoints Titus to take charge of this work, and appeals to the Corinthians' liberality. In chs 10 to 13, the third main division, it would seem that Paul turns his attention to the unrepentant minority who still refuse to humble themselves and to repent. Again he defends his apostleship (ch 10), and distinguishes between true and false apostles (2 Cor 11:1 to 12:18). In chs 12:19 to 13:10 he makes a final appeal to the unrepentant, and follows this appeal with concluding remarks and greetings (ch 13:11­14).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

According to Jewish tradition (the Talmud, Baba Bathra 15a), this compiler was Jeremiah. But whoever the editor was, he had true historical perspective and insight, for although the books are essentially historical in nature, their primary purpose is to point out the lesson that righteousness exalts a nation and that wickedness leads to ruin. The inspired editor traces the growth and decay of the Hebrew kingdom, pointing out the causes of prosperity and adversity and drawing attention to the effect of moral and religious character upon national fortunes (cf. 2 Ki 17). The compiler of Kings is concerned chiefly with the history of the southern kingdom of Judah, but incorporates that of the northern kingdom of Israel, partly as background information and partly to preserve a complete record of the entire nation. At times this procedure involves a measure of repetition. For the kings of Israel the basic pattern usually includes the length of the reign and the time of the king's death. For the kings of Judah the formula includes also the age of each at his accession, the name of his mother, and a reference to his burial. In each case the accession of each monarch is dated in terms of a regnal year of the contemporary ruler of the other kingdom. A noteworthy feature is the basic chronological framework of the books, by which the editor synchronises the reigns of the kings in the 2 kingdoms. There are difficulties to be overcome in reconciling the figures, and in harmonising with these non-Biblical chronological data, but the seeming discrepancies are due largely to our lack of information about the technical methods of chronological reckoning in use in Bible times.

The combined record of 1st and 2nd Kings divides logically into 3 major sections: (1) From the death of David to the disruption of the kingdom (1 Ki 1:1 to 11:43). (2) From the disruption to the fall of Samaria and the end of the northern kingdom (Ki 12:1 to 2 Ki 17:41). (3) From Hezekiah to the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar (2 Ki 18:1 to 25:30). For the most part the narrative proceeds in chronological order, and mentions each king in the order of his accession to the throne. Appended to the record is a brief account of the governorship of Gedaliah, whom Nebuchadnezzar left in charge of affairs in Judah after he had destroyed Jerusalem and taken most of the nation into captivity (ch 25:22­26). Brief mention is also made of King Jehoiachin's release from prison a number of years later (vs. 27­30).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

Both epistles are of the nature of circular letters addressed to the "strangers scattered throughout Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia" (1 Pe 1:1; cf. 2 Pe 1:1; 3:1). That the 1st epistle was addressed chiefly to Christians of Gentile origin is clear from such passages as 1 Pe 1:14; 2:9, 10; 3:6; and 4:3. That it was probably written from Rome (ch 5:13) indicates a time toward the close of the apostle's life. The epistle also reflects an unfriendly attitude in the Roman Empire toward Christians (see chs 2:12; 4:12­16), which may suggest the time of Nero's persecution, which began in a.d. 64. The 2nd epistle may also have been written from Rome. Both may be dated between a.d. 64 and 67.

1 Peter. Ancient Christian tradition unanimously attests Petrine authorship of the 1st epistle. However, modern critics, on the supposed basis that the Greek of 1 Peter is too elegant for a man of Peter's limited educational background, that the theology of the epistle more closely resembles that of Paul than it does that of Peter, that little mention is made of incidents in Christ's life--as would be expected of one so closely associated with Christ as Peter had been--and that Peter is not otherwise known to have been associated in any way with the churches of Asia Minor, have asserted that the apostle could not possibly have been the author of either this or the 2nd epistle. On the other hand, it is entirely possible that Silvanus (1 Pe 5:12), who apparently served as Peter's scribe, was responsible for the quality of the Greek in the epistle. The contention that the theology of the epistle does not resemble that of Peter is a matter of opinion, as also that Peter would have had more to say about his experiences with Christ. The latter argument and the one about Peter's not having been in Asia Minor are no more than assumptions based on silence. The author identifies himself as the apostle Peter (1 Pe 1:1) and there is no valid reason for doubting his claim. Polycarp, a disciple of the apostle John, quotes from the epistle, thus attesting its existence soon after the beginning of the 2nd cent. Toward the close of that century Irenaeus and others attribute it to Peter.

1 Peter is a general pastoral epistle imparting counsel on various subjects. Particularly, the apostle would prepare his readers for "the fiery trial" (1 Pe 4:12) that looms ahead, which is already reflected in troublous times. Peter seeks to strengthen their faith, to exhort them to blameless conduct, to give a loyal witness for Christ, and to be prepared to meet their Lord. The introduction (ch 1:1­12) is followed by an exhortation to steadfast Christian living (chs 1:13 to 4:19), in which Peter admonishes his readers to live worthy of the high calling in Christ Jesus (ch 1:13­25), to advance in their knowledge of Christ and in Christian maturity (ch 2:1­8), and to live exemplary lives among the Gentiles (vs. 9­18). He also counsels them to be meek under suffering (vs. 19­25). He has special advice for servants (v 18), husbands and wives (ch 3:1­7), elders (ch 5:1­4), and younger members of the church (vs. 5­9). He encourages believers to unity in the faith (ch 3:8­13). To suffer for Christ is a high privilege with a great reward (vs. 14­22). He appeals to the believers to control their fleshly lusts (ch 4:1­6), to be sober and charitable in their lives (vs. 7­11), and to be steadfast under persecution (vs. 12­19), and counsels church officers and members to be faithful (ch 5:1­9). The conclusion, vs. 10­14, consists of a benediction, a doxology, and personal greetings.

2 Peter. Since early Christian times there has been considerable difference of opinion as to the authorship of 2 Peter. Origen, the earliest writer to mention it specifically, expresses doubt as to its authenticity (Eusebius Hist. Eccl. vi. 25). Eusebius (ibid. iii. 3) wrote that the epistle had not been received as canonical, but that since many considered it useful it was being studied along with other Scriptures. There seem to be no direct quotations from 2 Peter in earliest Christian writings.

Perhaps no other book of the NT has been as emphatically declared post-apostolic--and thus spurious--by modern scholars as 2 Peter. They point out that its language and style differ markedly from those of 1 Peter. They note that it gives a special status to the extant epistles of Paul, referring to them as "scripture" (2 Pe 3:13, 16), placing them thus on the same level of inspiration and authority as the OT, and observe that it is incredible that these epistles of Paul should have been collected and have attained to a state equal to that of OT scriptures during Peter's lifetime, especially since Peter and Paul died about the same time. However, the epistle claims to be the writing of Simon Peter, disciple and apostle of Jesus Christ (ch 3:1). The author also claims to have been with Christ upon the mount of Transfiguration (ch 1:17, 18), an occasion on which only Peter, James, and John were present (Mt 17:1). The difference in the style from 1 Peter may be the result of Peter's not having had the help of the same amanuensis he had in writing his 1st epistle (see 1 Pe 5:12). It is most logical to suppose that Peter, an unschooled Palestinian, with Aramaic as his mother tongue, would use a secretary when he wrote in Greek, a language with which he was not entirely familiar, since even Paul, who was fully at home in Greek, commonly used amanuenses. The argument that Paul's epistles could not have been gathered and recognised as "scripture" before Peter's death is only an assumption. In view of the fact that Paul's active ministry covered a period of about 20 years, that Peter was in Rome at the time he wrote his 1st epistle (1 Pe 5:13), and that Peter and Paul suffered martyrdom about the same time, there is no reason why Paul's epistles could not have attained the status reflected in Peter's statement in 2 Pe 3:15, 16. Paul's active and successful ministry and his explicit claim that he received his gospel by inspiration (see Gal 1:11, 12; 1 Ti 4:1) clearly provide a solid foundation for Peter's statement.

In 1958 an announcement was made of the discovery of a 3rd-cent. papyrus containing the general epistles 1 Pe, 2 Pe, and Jude, now in the Bodmer library in Switzerland. This manuscript is a most significant find and is a testimony to the acceptance of these epistles, at least by some, in the 3rd cent. It was published in 1959 and is known as Bodmer VII, VIII (P72). For a discussion of certain similarities between 2 Pe and the epistle of Jude, see Jude.

Second Peter is a pastoral epistle in which the writer exhorts his readers to continue their growth in grace and in spiritual knowledge, in order that God's purpose in their calling and election may be fulfilled. Following the introduction (2 Pe 1:1­11), he states his purpose in writing as being to establish the believers in present truth and to confirm the gospel message on the basis of his personal experience with Christ and the fulfilment of OT prophecy in Christ (vs. 12­21). Chapter 2 consists of a series of stern warnings against false teachers and their deceptive heresies. The last section of the epistle (ch 3:1­18) stresses the coming of Christ and preparation for His appearing. The great day of the Lord is certain (vs. 3­10), and in anticipation of that event all should live godly lives (vs. 11­18).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

The books of Samuel provide no information as to who their author or authors may have been. According to Jewish tradition Samuel himself composed the first 24 chs of 1 Sa (to the death of the prophet), with the remainder of 1 Sa and all of 2 Sa written by the prophets Nathan and Gad (see 1 Chr. 29:29). When the book was divided in Hebrew Bibles in a.d. 1517, and later in English Bibles, the original name "Samuel" was applied to both parts even though his name is not once mentioned in the 2nd part. It appears for the last time in 1 Sa 28:20. Doubtless Samuel's name was attached to the whole because his life and ministry dominate the 1st half of the book in its combined form. Irrespective of the question of authorship, this title was appropriate in view of his important role as the last of the judges, as one of the greatest of the prophets, as the evident founder of the schools of the prophets, and as God's appointed agent in the establishment of the Hebrew kingdom. If the combined book represents the continuous work of 1 author, it must have been composed after the death of David (2 Sa 23:1). It seems more reasonable, however, to conclude that 1 Sa and 2 Sa represent composite authorship and that they are the collection of 2 or more narratives, each of which is complete in itself. However this may be, 1 and 2 Sa constitute an inspired record of an important period of Hebrew history.

The LXX varies in some parts from the Masoretic Hebrew text, notably in 1 Sa 17 and 18. That the variant readings go back to a Hebrew recension which differed from that used by the Masoretes and which became the standard Hebrew text has become evident through the discovery of a Sa manuscript among the Dead Sea scrolls. About 2/3 of a scroll of 1 and 2 Sa has been reconstructed from numerous fragments found in Qumran Cave 4. This scroll reveals a close relationship to the LXX. See Scrolls, Dead Sea.

First Samuel records the transition of Hebrew government from administrative and military "judges" to the united monarchy, which lasted for nearly a cent. (c. 1100 ­ c. 1011 b.c.), and 2 Sa deals exclusively with the reign of David, about 40 years (c. 1100 ­ c. 971 b.c.). The somewhat sudden transition from centuries of pure theocracy operating through prophets and judges to the monarchy was a time of difficult adjustment for the Hebrew people. This was followed by the golden age that began with the glorious reign of David. The account of David's last years and death appears in the first 2 chapters of 1 Ki.

The narrative opens with the birth of Samuel, his appointment to serve in the sanctuary, and his call to the prophetic ministry (1 Sa 1:1 to 4:1). When Samuel succeeded Eli in office as priest, judge, and prophet, Israel lay prostrate before the Philistines, but the course of the nation's fortunes soon turned (chs 5­7). Late in Samuel's judgeship, popular demand for a king led to the elevation of Saul to the throne (chs 8­12). The early years of Saul' reign were marked by intermittent war with the Philistines and other neighbouring nations (ch 14:47). During this time Saul on two occasions flagrantly disobeyed the explicit instructions of the Lord through the prophet Samuel (chs 13­15). With God's rejection of Saul as king, Samuel secretly anointed David, and the remaining chapters of 1 Sa are largely taken up with Saul's jealous attempts to destroy David (chs 16­27). Finally in a battle between the Philistines and the Israelites, Saul was slain (chs 28­31). Thereupon David became king over Judah, and after about 71/2 years of strife the other tribes acknowledged him as king also (2 Sa 1:1 to 5:5). Chapters 5­10 recount the glories of the early years of David's reign, while chs 11­21 are devoted largely to his sin and to family difficulties affecting the throne. Chapters 22­24 form a sort of appendix that contains David's song of thanksgiving, his last words of instruction, and a roster of his mighty men and their exploits. The record closes with his sin in numbering the people of Israel, and its sad result (ch 24).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

The apostle Paul first proclaimed the gospel at Thessalonica during the course of his 2nd Missionary Journey, probably late in a.d. 50 or early the following year (see Chronology, IX, 7). On 3 successive Sabbaths Paul preached in the synagogue from the OT Scriptures, proving Jesus Christ to be the Messiah for whom the Jewish people had been looking (Acts 17:2, 3). Some Jews and a large number of Greek proselytes accepted Paul's message (v 4), and these believers he organised into a church. The church there seems to have been largely Gentile in composition (see 1 Th 1:9; cf. 4:5). Furious at his success, doubtless, especially in making Gentile converts (see 1 Th 2:16), the unbelieving Jews raised a riot against him, charging him with sedition and compelling him to leave the city (Acts 17:5­10). Going on to Beroea, Paul was pursued by the unbelieving Jews of Thessalonica (vs. 10, 13); he was forced to depart from that city also, but he left Silas and Timothy there (v 14). He went on to Athens, but had no sooner arrived than he sent for Silas and Timothy to join him there (v 15). From 1 Th 3:1, 2 it appears that he sent Timothy back from Athens to Thessalonica to give further instruction to the believers there; when Silas and Timothy rejoined Paul he had already gone on to Corinth (Acts 18:1, 5; cf. 1 Th 3:1­6). Soon after Timothy's return from Thessalonica to Corinth Paul wrote the 1st of the Thessalonian letters (1 Th 1:1; 2:17; 3:6­10). Paul earnestly longed to return to Thessalonica himself, but was hindered by Satan (ch 2:17, 18). When the bearer of the 1st epistle returned from Thessalonica and Paul learned that certain of his statements relative to the imminence of the 2nd Advent were being misunderstood and misapplied by some in the church, he addressed the 2nd epistle to them, clarifying these and other points of doctrine. The 2nd epistle was written probably a few months after the first, while Paul was still busily engaged in establishing the Corinthian church.

The earnestness and zeal with which the Thessalonian believers had adopted the Christian faith is reflected in Paul's gracious words of commendation to them in 1 Th 1:1­4. He treasures the memory of their strong faith and their zealous labours of love, which testified to their patient hope in Christ. With ardent love the apostle cherished the new converts as a nurse does the children under her care, and was "affectionately desirous" of them (ch 2:7, 8). He had, indeed, imparted to them his own soul (v 8), labouring night and day on their behalf (v 9). The bonds of affection that bound him to the Thessalonian believers were deep and enduring. He repeatedly mentions the persecution they endured, particularly at the hands of unbelieving Jews (see 1 Th 1:6; 2:14­16; cf. Acts 17:5, 6).

There were, nevertheless, certain tendencies among the believers at Thessalonica that called for reproof and further instruction with respect both to certain points of doctrine and to practical Christian living. For example, some were neglecting their daily work and depending upon others for support, apparently misled by a fanatical anticipation of the near coming of Christ. Paul commanded such to earn their livelihood with their own hands (1 Th 4:11, 12; cf. 2 Th 3:11, 12). Either there was some laxness in morals (1 Th 4:3­5) and carelessness in business dealings (vs. 6­9), or else Paul, mindful of their heathen background, warned them against lowering their new standards. The apostle's hasty departure from Thessalonica had evidently interrupted his instruction of them; certainly they had erroneous ideas regarding the return of Christ and the resurrection; some were now grieving over loved ones whom they had laid to rest since Paul's departure who had apparently expected to live until the coming of Jesus (v 13). This afforded him an opportunity to write what has proved to be one of the two most glorious NT passages that breathe joyous assurance in the resurrection (1 Th 4:14­18; cf. 1 Cor 15).

In his 2nd letter to Thessalonica the apostle continues his instruction about the day of judgement (2 Th 1:5­10). On the basis of something Paul had told them either while still in Thessalonica or in his 1st epistle, or from statements in some of the spurious epistles, the believers there had concluded that the day of Christ was even then at hand (ch 2:2). In order to clear up this misconception Paul enters upon a somewhat extended discourse concerning the great apostasy that is to precede Christ's return (vs. 3­11). He repeats his former counsel to those who were living in idleness (ch 3:6­12). The stubbornness of some members of this group is reflected in v 14. If they persist in their obdurate course the rest of the believers are to have nothing to do with them. Such misguided ones, however, are not to be treated as enemies but to be warned as brothers (v 15).

The two Thessalonian letters may be summarised as follows: After a brief salutation (1 Th 1:1), Paul reviews his ministry to the Thessalonians and his relations with them in times past (chs 1:2 to 3:13). He greatly appreciates their fellowship in the gospel (ch 1:2­10), looks back with joy upon his ministry among them (ch 2:1­16) and regrets that he has had no further opportunity to visit them (vs. 17­20). Instead he has sent Timothy in his place, and explains the purpose and the result of Timothy's visit (ch 3:1­13). The remainder of the epistle (chs 4:1 to 5:28) consists of instructions and exhortations on sanctification and on brotherly love (ch 4:1­10), on diligence in self-support (vs. 10­12), on the resurrection (vs. 13­18), and on the time of Christ's coming (ch 5:1­11). The epistle closes with a series of admonitions to faithfulness and godly living (vs. 12­22), with a prayer for their spiritual welfare, and with greetings (vs. 23­28). In his 2nd epistle, Paul commends the Thessalonians for their growth in faith and brotherly love and for their patient endurance in the midst of persecution (2 Th 1:1­4). From tribulation he turns their thoughts forward to the return of the Lord and to the glorification of Christ in His saints (vs. 5­12). He goes on to instruction regarding the Antichrist, the "man of sin," whose rebellion and revelation must precede the 2nd Advent, and warns against fanaticism regarding the time of Christ's coming (ch 2:1­12), in view of which he admonishes them to stand fast in the faith (vs. 13­17). In ch 3 he requests their prayers, expresses confidence in them, and exhorts them to exemplary living (vs. 1­15). The epistle closes with a prayer, with his personal greetings, and with a benediction (vs. 16­18).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

It is true that conclusive objective evidence of Pauline authorship is not as strong as with several of the other epistles attributed to him, nevertheless, a careful examination of these objections shows them to be highly subjective and without substantial proof: (1) It is freely granted that the historical allusions in the Pastoral Epistles do not fit into the record of Paul's life in the book of Acts (for example, 1 Ti 1:3; cf. Acts 18:19­21; 19:22; 20:4; 2 Cor 1:1). However, the objection disappears if it be granted that these letters were written after the end of the period covered by the book of Acts, which breaks off abruptly with Paul in prison at Rome for 2 full years (Acts 28:30), probably a.d. 61­63, without indicating the outcome of his appeal to the Roman emperor. In the prison epistles (Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, and Philemon), which are generally considered to have been written during the latter part of his 1st imprisonment, he clearly anticipates imminent release (see Php 2:24; Phm 22). Thus, writing to the Philippians, he expresses hope that he will be able to visit them shortly (Php 2:24). There is ample evidence in the Pastoral Epistles that during the interval between his 1st and 2nd imprisonments Paul travelled widely, visiting Christian communities in Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Greece (1 Ti 1:3; 2 Ti 4:13, 20; Tit 1:5), and possibly even going as far as Spain (see Rom 15:24, 28). Certain passages clearly indicate persons not mentioned before, places Paul had recently visited and other circumstances that do not accord with the records of his life prior to the 1st imprisonment (see 2 Ti 1:15­17; 4:6, 9, 13, 16, 17, 20, 21; Tit 1:5; 3:12). Accordingly, there is good reason to believe that these letters were written during the interval between Paul's 1st imprisonment and his execution. (2) The opinion that the rather fully developed church organisation reflected in the Pastoral Epistles indicates a period of time well beyond the lifetime of Paul lacks historical confirmation. (3) Recent archaeological discoveries, notably those of the Dead Sea scrolls, and of a Gnostic library at Nag Hammadi (Chenoboskion) in Egypt, show that Gnostic teachings were already well developed in the 1st cent. (4) The argument based on the differences in vocabulary and style between the Pastoral Epistles and those more generally attributed to Paul loses much of its weight when it is observed that the subject matter of these epistles--various aspects of church organisation and administration--is scarcely touched upon in the other epistles. Furthermore, many of the churches Paul established had now been in operation for 15 or 20 years. It is only natural to expect that they would have grown considerably in membership and that a more complex organisation would have become necessary. Also, early Christian church organisation generally followed the existing pattern of that of the Jewish synagogue. The fact that persons named in the Pastoral Epistles (see 2 Ti 4:10, 13, 19, 21; Tit 3:12, 13) do not appear elsewhere in Paul's letters is further evidence that these epistles come from a later period of the apostle's career. It is inconceivable that a later writer would have been so naive as intentionally to introduce persons not mentioned elsewhere by Paul, yet attempt to attribute the epistles to him.

The 1st Epistle to Timothy was written probably toward the close of the interval between Paul's 1st and 2nd imprisonments (c. a.d. 63­66), since he had evidently been at liberty for some time and had been visiting churches in the vicinity of the Aegean Sea. He had recently departed from Ephesus, leaving Timothy in charge of the church there. The 2nd Epistle to Timothy was written about a.d. 66, toward the close of Paul's 2nd imprisonment, probably not long before his death, after one trial (2 Ti 4:16, 17) and while he awaited the death sentence (vs. 6­9). The apostle had recently been at Troas, where his 2nd arrest would seem to have taken place (v 13).

In 1 and 2 Ti, Paul counsels Timothy to conduct himself in a manner acceptable to God and for the building up of the flock God had entrusted to his care. These exhortations to vigorous leadership may imply that Timothy was a man of mild temperament and less aggressive than Paul thought he should be. In 2 Ti, realising that his own end was near, Paul sought further to strengthen his younger co-worker's faith by a recital of his own example and warned against certain heresies, urging the younger worker to hold firm to the Inspired Word and to remain faithful.

These 2 epistles may be summarised as follows: Following the salutation (1 Ti 1:1, 2) Paul first charges Timothy to rebuke teachers of perverted doctrine (vs. 3­20) and develops the concept of Christianity as a universal religion (ch 2). Next, he sets forth the character qualifications of bishops (ch 3:1­7) and deacons (vs. 8­13), and contrasts the true gospel (vs. 14­16) with counterfeits (ch 4:1­5). Then follows a series of practical suggestions on effective ministry. Timothy is to concentrate on sound doctrine, to avoid speculation, and to be a living example of the message he proclaims (vs. 6­16). He is to guard his relationship with various specified groups of church members (chs 5:1­25; 6:17­19). In the final section Paul treats of Christian masters and slaves (ch 6:1, 2), of heretical teachers (vs. 3­5), of worldly riches (vs. 6­10, 17­19), and of Timothy's responsibility to provide a living pattern of character (vs. 11­16). The letter closes with a personal charge to Timothy (vs. 20, 21). In the 2nd epistle Paul greets his "beloved son" in the faith, fondly reviewing his own affection for him (2 Ti 1:1­5). He exhorts Timothy to be faithful, to give a good account of his responsibility as a minister, and to stand courageously for the gospel message (vs. 6­18). In ch 2:1­6 Paul elaborates on the traits of an ideal minister, and then dwells upon the content of the message Timothy should preach and the way in which he should proclaim it (vs. 7­26). He then warns of perilous times to come, and points to the Scriptures as a safeguard against error (ch 3:1­17). The 4th chapter has been called Paul's "last will and testament." In it he challenges Timothy to take up the torch of truth that he must soon lay down (ch 4:1­22).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

I. The First Epistle of John. Despite the fact that 1 Jn makes no specific identification of its author, its intended readers, the place of writing, its destination, or the time of writing--and thus lacks the usual characteristics of a Greek Letter--it is obviously an epistle. Apparently it was addressed to believers with whom the writer had been closely associated (see chs 2:1, 12, 18, 28; 3:7, 18; 4:4; 5:21). The apostle John is known to have spent the closing years of his ministry at Ephesus, as pastor of the Christian churches in the Roman province of Asia. Presumably, this epistle was addressed to these believers.

The author writes, as a pastor, to his spiritual children, assuming that they are already familiar with the principles of salvation, and admonishes them to put these principles into practice. He stresses love--solicitous concern for the well-being and happiness of others--as the primary Christian virtue. Such love is the basic attribute of God (1 Jn 4:8), and comes from God (v 7). God sent His Son to reveal this love (v 10), and believers ought to love one another (v 11). In so doing they testify to the world that they know God (v 8) and are truly converted (vs. 16, 20). The love of the world and the love of the Father are mutually exclusive (ch 2:15­17). John bases his urgent appeal to make the principle of love effective on his earnest conviction that Christ's return is imminent (v 18). It is already "the last time" as evidenced by the appearance of many antichrists (v 18), who were once Christians (v 19). But now they deny that Jesus of Nazareth is "the Christ," that is, the Messiah foretold by the prophets of old. They deny that Jesus is the Son of God (v 22), and that true divinity and true humanity were united in the one Person, Jesus Christ (1 Jn 4:3; 5:5; cf. Jn 3:16). These heretical teachings are identical with those of the Docetists, who taught that Christ was merely a phantom, without a real body, and with those of the followers of Cerinthus, a Judaizing proto-Gnostic, who taught that Jesus was the natural-born son of Joseph and Mary, and that the spirit of the Christ entered His body at baptism and withdrew prior to His death on the cross. The Docetic heresy thus denied the true humanity of Christ, where that of Cerinthus denied His true divinity. It is generally accepted that John wrote his 1st epistle particularly with the Docetic heresy in mind.

Following the introduction (1 Jn 1:1­4) in which John affirms Christ's true divinity and humanity as the central truth of the gospel, he goes on (chs 1:5 to 2:6) to the supreme importance of walking in the light, by which he means making a practical application of the truths of the gospel to the daily life. When the Christian obeys Christ's commands he can know that he is "in him." In ch 2:7­14 John sets forth as evidence of obedience to Christ a selfless love for the brethren. Next (1 Jn 2:15­28), John warns against false teachers. A Christian's only safety is to hold fast the gospel as he has received it, in order to have confidence when Christ appears (v 28). Those who aspire to be sons of God will aim to be like Christ in word and deed, thus purifying their lives, even as Christ is pure (ch 2:28 to 3:24). Duty toward God, John says, is summed up in believing on Jesus Christ as the Son of God and in loving one another as He commanded (ch 3:23). In chs 4:1 to 5:12 John explains the principles by which Christian believers may tell the difference between teachers of truth and error. The first test to be applied is whether they acknowledge or deny that "Jesus Christ is come in the flesh." The 2nd test is whether they adhere to the gospel as it was originally proclaimed by the apostles (ch 4:6). The 3rd test is whether they genuinely love the members of the household of God (vs. 7, 8, 13, 20). The eternal life God has promised is in His Son, and unless men accept Jesus Christ as His Son they do not have access to this priceless gift (ch 5:11, 12). In his conclusion (vs. 13­21) John reaffirms the importance of believing in Jesus as the Son of God who came to this world to impart eternal life to all who believe in Him.

II. The Second Epistle of John. This epistle is in the form of a private letter addressed to "the *elect lady" and her "children" (2 Jn 1). Similarity of language and expression makes evident that 2 Jn was written by the same author as 1 Jn. Note, for instance, the expressions: "antichrist" in v 7 (cf. 1 Jn 2:18, 22; 4:3); "walking in truth" (2 Jn 4; cf. 1 Jn 1:7); "a new commandment" (2 Jn 5; cf. 1 Jn 2:8); "love one another" (2 Jn 5; cf. 1 Jn 3:11); and "he hath both the Father and the Son" (2 Jn 9; cf. 1 Jn 5:12). 2 Jn 5­7, 9, 12 may be based on 1 Jn 1:4; 2:4, 5, 7, 18; 5:10­12, and if so would indicate the order in which the epistles were written. The writer identifies himself simply as "the elder," an appropriate title for the aged apostle John. As to length, the 2nd epistle is of the usual length for one sheet of papyrus then in common use. In this epistle John speaks of the fellowship that binds Christian believers together (2 Jn 2), praises the recipients of the letter for their faithfulness, and exhorts them to continue in the love of Christ (vs. 4­6). He warns against false teachers and suggests how to deal with these heretics (vs. 7­11). The letter closes with the hope that writer and recipients may soon meet again (2 Jn 12, 13).

III. The Third Epistle of John. A comparison of this epistle with the 2nd indicates a common authorship. This epistle is a personal letter addressed to a certain *Gaius, otherwise unknown, a faithful believer whom John commends for his hospitality toward the apostles and other travelling teachers. The letter deals with the Christian's duty to extend hospitality to true teachers, and to beware of false teachers. As one who has distinguished himself by extending hospitality to itinerant preachers, Gaius will appreciate the counsel John gives. The schismatic tendencies of Diotrephes are to be firmly rejected. He seems to have been an elder in the church or to have held some other prominent position in it that afforded him an opportunity to speak against John (vs. 9, 10). Furthermore, he had refused to entertain visiting preachers and had forbidden those under his charge to do so, and even had gone so far as to deprive them of membership in the church (v 10). Other instruction John has in mind must wait; he expects soon to visit the church of which Gaius is a member (vs. 13, 14).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

Although the writer of the book of Acts does not identify himself directly, he does provide at least three indirect clues which leave no doubt that he was none other than Luke, the writer of the third Gospel: (1) He is the same person who wrote a "former treatise" on the life of Christ and addressed it to a certain Theophilus (Acts 1:1­2; cf. Lk 1:1­4; 24:50­52). (2) In certain passages (Acts 16:10­17; 20:6­16; 21; 27; 28) known as the "we" sections the author was a member of Paul's evangelistic company. Paul repeatedly mentions Luke as one of his companions during the later part of his ministry (Christ's Object Lessons, 4:14; 2 Ti 4:11; Phm 24). (3) The language, diction, and style of the Acts corresponds closely with that of the Gospel of Luke. From the very earliest times Christian writers speak of Luke as the author.

The book of Acts was, in all probability, written by Luke at Rome during the two years of Paul's first imprisonment there, a.d. 61­63. Of this, the way in which the narrative breaks off abruptly soon after the arrival of Paul in Rome is almost conclusive evidence. The author having followed the labours of the great apostle to the Gentiles from the very beginning, often in great detail, it would be strange indeed if he said nothing of the outcome of Paul's first trial before Caesar, of his later ministry, second arrest and imprisonment, and execution--if these events had already occurred. Apparently Luke told no more in the book of Acts because, at the time he wrote, there was no more to tell. As to his reliability as a historian this has been fully vindicated at every important point.

In his introduction the author of the book of Acts implies that his objective is to provide a continuation of his earlier narrative, the Gospel, in order that the two treatises, taken together, might constitute a rather complete historical account of the origin and growth of the Christian religion. He proposes to relate how the gospel found its way from Jerusalem to Judea and Samaria, and eventually "unto the uttermost part" of the then-known world (Acts 1:8). To begin with, there were no more than about 120 members of the church (v 15), all loyal adherents of Judaism. But the infant church grew rapidly, at times almost explosively, in membership, and, hesitatingly at first, accepted proselytes and then Gentiles into its fellowship. Like the ever-widening ripples from a pebble cast into a quiet pond, the church reached out to a waiting world, first to nearby regions and then to lands afar. The story of how all this came about--how an insignificant Jewish sect became a world religion--forms the theme of the book of Acts.

The book naturally falls into two major divisions: (1) chapters 1­12, in which Peter is the leading character, and (2) chapters 13­28, where Paul is the focus of attention. The first section records the development of the church at Jerusalem (chs 1­7), its expansion into the neighbouring regions of Judea and Samaria (ch 8), the conversion of Saul (ch 9) and of Cornelius (ch 10), the acceptance of the first non-Jewish converts by the church at Jerusalem (ch 11:1­18), and the establishment of the first Gentile church, at Antioch in Syria (vs. 19­30). The second section covers the ministry of Paul to the heathen of the Roman world--his 1st Missionary Journey, to Cyprus and Asia Minor (chs 13:1 to 15:35), his 2nd Missionary Journey, that took him into Macedonia and Greece (chs 15:36 to 18:22), his 3rd Journey, much of which was devoted to Ephesus and the Roman province of Asia (chs 18:23 to 20:3), his return to Jerusalem and arrest there (chs 20:4 to 23:30), his imprisonment at Caesarea, appeal to Caesar, and journey to Rome (chs 23:31 to 28:31).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

The theme of the book is divine judgement (ch 1:2), and its aim is to effect repentance and reformation in view of the inevitability of impending judgements unless the people amended their ways (ch 5:4). The message of the book logically divides into four major parts: (1) a denunciation of evil coupled with a warning of judgement (chs 1:1 to 2:16); (2) an appeal to return to the Lord (chs 3:1 to 6:14); (3) an emphatic warning of the finality of this appeal (chs 7:1 to 9:10); (4) a promise of national blessing and restoration in the event of repentance and reformation (ch 9:11­15). The 1st of these 4 parts consists of an enumeration of the sins of 6 neighbouring nations, and Judah, with the purpose of highlighting the enormity of the sins of Israel. The 2nd part consists of a series of 3 sermons, each beginning with the proclamation, "Hear [ye] this word" The 3rd is composed of 5 symbolic visions, with a short historical interlude inserted between visions 3 and 4 in which the official reaction of the northern kingdom becomes apparent. In a few deft strokes, part 4 paints a glowing picture of the bright future in store for Israel if the nation returns to the Lord in wholehearted repentance and reformation, and accepts her divinely appointed role.

In part 1 the prophet, with consummate skill, seeks to lead his hearers at Bethel to acknowledge that national sin deserves, and is certain to encounter, divine punishment. He accomplishes this, his first objective, by enumerating the crimes of Israel's neighbour nations, which are well known to his hearers. Israel has suffered at their hands, and by declaring the judgements of the Lord upon those nations because of their criminal conduct, Amos is certain to elicit the response "Amen" Damascus (Syria) has invaded Gilead and laid it desolate (ch 1:3), Gaza (Philistia) has taken Israelites captive and turned them over to Edom (v 6), Tyrus (Phoenicia) has done the same (v 9), Edom has treated Israel with unwonted cruelty (v 11), Ammon has done likewise (v 13), and Moab also (ch 2:1). In order to leave his Israelite hearers without any avenue of self-justification when he finally takes up their evil course of action, and also in order to preclude any accusation that, as a prophet from the land of Judah, he is prompted by national pride, Amos first excoriates his own nation of Judah for rejecting the revealed will of God (v 4). Thus, when he mentions what God has done for Israel and enumerates some of the grosser forms of injustice rampant in the land, his hearers are left speechless and must admit, to themselves at least, that if the 7 neighbouring nations are deserving of the judgements of God, they themselves cannot expect to escape (vs. 6­16). They cannot deny the prophet's evaluation of conditions in Israel or his declaration that they deserve punishment.

Having anchored these two solemn facts in the minds of his audience, Amos proceeds in part 2 to make clear to the people that they have, indeed, forsaken the God whom they still profess to worship, that they will soon have to reckon accounts with Him, and that they will do well to seek reconciliation with Him before He hales them into court. The theme of the 1st sermon is, "Can two walk together, except they be agreed?" (Ch. 3:3). Obviously not. But Israel, as evidenced by her conduct, has come to be in utter disagreement with God, and unless a change takes place God must abandon her people forever to their evil course of action. The theme of the 2nd sermon is, "Prepare to meet thy God, O Israel" (ch 4:12). God has suffered long with them and sought by many lesser judgements to bring them to their senses, but to no avail. As a last resort He must bring them to judgement and sentence them as a nation to death, and they should ponder the matter now before they meet their Judge face to face. The 3rd sermon comes to a focus in the tender appeal, "Seek ye me, and ye shall live" (ch 5:4). And how shall they seek the Lord? The question is answered in the admonition: "Seek good, and not evil, that ye may live" (v 14).

Lest the people think they can deceive or bribe God, as if He were one of their own venal judges, Amos in part 3 relates a series of 5 symbolic visions from the Lord that emphasise the finality of His appeal to the men of that generation. The first 2 visions look to the past, when God has repeatedly relented when asked to pass by their transgressions, but in the 3rd vision God announces that He will no longer "pass by" (ch 7:8), or continue to deal leniently with them. An attempt at this point on the part of Amaziah, priest of Bethel, to frighten the prophet into silence elicits the bold declaration, "Now therefore hear thou the word of the Lord: Israel shall surely go into captivity" (vs. 16, 17). The theme of the 4th vision, which follows immediately, is, "The end is come upon my people of Israel; I will not again pass by them any more" (ch 8:2). In the 5th vision the Lord appears in person, to "slay the last of them with the sword" (ch 9:1).

However bleak the prospect in case Israel chooses to persist in her impenitent course, the prophet Amos, in part 4 of his message, holds up once more before the nation that is soon to meet its fate a picture of the glorious purpose of God for His people if they will but repent and turn again to Him. He will "build" the nation as "in the days of old" (ch 9:11)--He will restore it to the glory of its golden age under David and Solomon. One noteworthy characteristic of the OT prophets is that practically every warning of doom is accompanied by an offer of hope, and it is on such a note that Amos concludes his impassioned message.

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

According to the epistle a twofold error was threatening the church at Colossae. The exact nature of this error is not clearly stated, but we can infer its general nature from what Paul writes in warning against it. On the one hand, an effort was apparently being made to persuade Gentile Christians at Colossae to adopt the rites and ceremonies of Judaism (Col 2:11­16) and certain ascetic tendencies (vs. 18­23). On the other, there is evidence of a speculative type of philosophy that resembled the later Gnostic heresy (vs. 4, 8, 18, 20). Some have traced the Colossian error to the Essenes, or the Qumran sect, who are known to have held and practised certain of these teachings. What is said of "angels" closely resembles the intermediary beings or "emanations" of Gnosticism (Col 1:16; 2:18). The Greek words for "mystery" (ch 1:26, 27), "fullness" (v 19), and "knowledge" (ch 2:3) appear as technical terms in ancient Jewish and pagan religious and philosophical literature. Here, Paul uses them in a Christian sense.

The apostle meets the errors in the Colossian church by setting forth the pre-eminence of Christ, as infinite God and Creator and Sustainer of all things (chs 1:15­17; 2:8, 9), as the author of salvation and the perfecter of Christian character (chs 1:20­27; 2:7; 3:1­3), and as head of the church (ch 2:17, 18). Belief in Christ, therefore, excludes ceremonialism and speculative philosophy. All the mysteries man needs to know have been revealed in Christ, whom the apostle presents as the Christian ideal (ch 3:12­24).

The epistle logically falls into 6 principal sections: (1) The introduction: salutation, commendation, and statement of purpose (Col 1:1­13). (2) The doctrinal section exalting the pre-eminence of Christ to the Christian (chs 1:14 to 2:3). (3) A warning against error (ch 2:8­23). (4) Exhortations to imitate Christ's exemplary life (ch 3:1­17). (5) Duties of social relationships (chs 3:18 to 4:6). (6) The conclusion: salutation and greetings (ch 4:7­18).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

The traditional view of both Jews and Christians is that the book of Daniel was written by Daniel, its leading character, during the 6th cent. b.c. Josephus refers to Daniel as a great prophet (Ant. x. 11), and to the book as antedating Alexander the Great who died in 323 b.c. (Ant. xi. 8. 5), and even Artaxerxes I, who began to reign in 465 b.c. (Against Apion i. 8). Christ similarly spoke of Daniel as a prophet and as the author of the book that bears his name (Mt 24:15). In addition to this external evidence, the writer of the book identifies himself as Daniel, its chief character, and frequently speaks in the first person (Dan 8:1, 2; 9:2; 10:1, 2; etc.). The fact that he also writes in the third person (chs 1; 2; etc.) does not necessarily imply Daniel was not the author since this was commonly practised by ancient writers.

Since the time of the Neoplatonic philosopher Porphyry (c. a.d. 300), one of the first major critics to attack the historicity of the book of Daniel, its authenticity and inspiration have been challenged. This has been particularly true during the past 2 centuries, and today a majority of Christian scholars attribute it to an anonymous author of the time of the Maccabean revolt during the middle of the 2nd cent. b.c. The 3 chief arguments they offer for this conclusion are: (1) That the principal theme of the prophetic portion of Daniel is the great persecuting power depicted in chs 7 and on, and that this refers to Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175­164/63 b.c.). With this is coupled a rejection of the idea that the prophets had the ability accurately to predict the future. Thus, they contend that if what purports to be predictive prophecy appears to have met reasonably accurate fulfilment in history, the prediction must have been written after the occurrence of the event. (2) That the historical sections of the book contain numerous historical inaccuracies, anachronisms, and misconceptions. (3) That the occurrence of Greek and Persian words in the book are evidence of a late date.

With respect to the first of these contentions 3 points may be noted: (a) The fact that some of the prophetic specifications seem to fit Antiochus (and many commentators who accept the book as genuine prediction by Daniel will allow at least some application to Antiochus in ch 8 or 11) does not prove that a later fulfilment might not fit the requirements even better and more completely. (b) The insistence on Antiochus as the persecuting power of ch 7, which is, to say the least, equally subjective with a belief in a later fulfilment, is most necessary to those who assume that the fulfilment is to be sought in or before the time of writing. (c) The inconsistency of this interpretation with historical facts both from Nebuchadnezzar to Cyrus and from Antiochus on, is alleged as proof that the writer was ignorant of those facts and was therefore a pseudo Daniel of the 2nd cent. b.c. In other words, in the face of a set of specifications in the prophecy, some of which fit Antiochus and some of which do not, it is illogical to conclude that the specifications that do not fit the facts are an indication that the author was ignorant of his subject; it is more logical to doubt the correctness of the interpretation.

With respect to the 2nd of these contentions it may be noted that the author gives repeated evidence of being intimately acquainted with the historical circumstances of which he writes in chs 1­6 concerning the Neo-Babylonian Empire and the first years of the Persian Empire. However, the detailed knowledge of these facts was largely lost during the centuries following. Only with relatively recent archaeological finds have these facts once more come to light, thus authenticating the historical narrative of the book at numerous points. Critics who attribute the book to some person other than its leading character, and who assign it to the Maccabean period (c. 165 b.c.) are at a loss to account for such a late writer's accurate knowledge of historical facts that had been forgotten long before his day and that have but recently again come to light. For instance, Greek writers almost ignore Nebuchadnezzar and make the mistake of attributing his extensive rebuilding of the city of Babylon to Semiramis, who was actually a queen mother of Assyria who had lived 2 centuries earlier. Until the second half of the 19th cent., also, there was no known historical evidence regarding Belshazzar as the last king in Babylon, and critics commonly pointed to this silence as evidence that the writer was misinformed. Now, of course, the existence of Belshazzar, his position as joint king ruling in Babylon for his absent father, and his role during the last years before the fall of Babylon, are all amply attested. On the period from Nebuchadnezzar to Cyrus see Babylon; Cyrus; Nebuchadnezzar; Persia. The supposed chronological discrepancy between Dan 1:1 and Jer 25:1, and between Dan 1:5, 18 and 2:1, with respect to the regnal years of Jehoiakim and Nebuchadnezzar, can be resolved by taking into account the now well-known "accession-year" or "post-dating" system of numbering regnal years, and the ancient habit of reckoning inclusively (see Chronology, I, 2, 3).

With respect to the 3rd contention, it is now known that Ionian (Greek) and Persian artists were employed at the Babylonian court, who might easily have been responsible for the introduction of foreign terms. Furthermore, the widespread commercial activities of the Phoenicians and Aramaeans, together with the fact that articles of trade commonly retain the names given them in their country of origin, could also have accounted for the use of some of these foreign words. Then, too, some words that were formerly thought to be Persian have been found to be Babylonian.

A characteristic literary feature of the book of Daniel is the fact that it is partly in Hebrew and partly in Aramaic, a language closely akin to Hebrew. The Aramaic portion begins with ch 2:4 and continues to the end of ch 7. Aramaic was a sort of lingua franca used widely throughout western Asia. The Aramaic of Daniel, which is almost identical with that of the Aramaic portions of Ezra, contains a large number of Babylonian and Persian words, as might be expected, and is sometimes improperly called Chaldee. Whether the book of Daniel was originally written in 2 languages, partly Hebrew and partly Aramaic, or whether one part or the other represents a translation, is not known. It has been suggested that the book appeared in 2 editions, one in Hebrew for Palestinian Jews, and one in Aramaic for the Jews of Mesopotamia. According to this theory a portion of the copy at Jerusalem was destroyed during the Maccabean wars of the 2nd cent. b.c., and later the lost portion was replaced by the corresponding portion in Aramaic, without translation. More probable is the suggestion that the author began to write in Aramaic at the point where the Chaldeans addressed "the king in Syriack [literally, "Aramaic"]" in ch 2:4, and that he continued in this language as long as he was writing at the time. When he resumed writing, with ch 8:1, he chose to use Hebrew. It is certain that Daniel knew both languages, having been reared in Jerusalem and having later studied Aramaic at Babylon (ch 1:4). As a statesman he would be expected to be fluent in the official language of the government he served. Thus, when he came in the narrative to a speech made in Aramaic it would be natural for him to report the speech in the language in which it was spoken, and having done so to continue the narrative in that language. Aramaic must have become as familiar to Daniel as his own native Hebrew.

The book of Daniel has 2 parts, the first essentially historical in nature, and the second prophetic. It might appropriately be called a handbook on history and prophecy. The historical section sets forth, by practical example, the principles of the true philosophy of history, and stands as a preface to the prophetic section, in which those principles and that philosophy are projected into the future. A somewhat detailed account of God's dealings with one nation, Babylon, provides a pattern for understanding the rise and fall of other nations that were to follow. As a leading statesman in 2 of the great empires of antiquity, Daniel was well qualified to perceive and understand God's dealings with Babylon and to be the recipient of an inspired delineation of future events. According to the philosophy set forth in the book of Daniel, it is the function of government to protect and upbuild the nation and to provide its people the opportunity of knowing and attaining to the Creator's purpose for them. A nation is strong in proportion to the fidelity with which it fulfils God's purpose for it; its success depends upon its use of the power entrusted to it; its compliance with the divine principles is the measure of its prosperity; and its destiny is determined by the choices its leaders and people make with respect to these principles.

The historical section of Daniel reveals how, when God's chosen people, the Jews, were at a crisis hour in their history, the king and officials of the Babylonian Empire were confronted with a knowledge of the true God and of His will for them as a nation. King Nebuchadnezzar, genius of the Gentile world, was brought face to face with Daniel, God's man of the hour, that the king's co-operation in the divine plan might be secured. The national apostasy of the Jewish people came to a climax in the Babylonian captivity, and if they were to learn the lesson of loyalty to God that the Captivity was designed to teach, they must be held by a firm hand but without being obliterated as a nation. Daniel's mission at the court of Nebuchadnezzar was to secure the king's submission to the divine will in order that God's purpose might be realised. The first 4 chapters reveal the means by which God secured Nebuchadnezzar's allegiance. Daniel and his 3 companions earned the confidence and respect of the king and his courtiers as men of gracious personality, vigorous health, and superior intellect (Dan 1). By the agency of these 4 worthy men of principle, and in a succession of dramatic interpositions of divine providence, Nebuchadnezzar learned to his satisfaction the knowledge, power, and authority of Daniel's God. The inadequacy of human wisdom, vividly demonstrated in connection with the dream of the golden image of ch 2, led the king to admit to Daniel, "Of a truth it is, that your God is a God of gods, and a Lord of kings, and a revealer of secrets" (ch 2:47). The incident of the golden image and the fiery furnace demonstrated God's power to thwart the king's will when it was exercised in opposition to that of God. "There is no other God that can deliver after this sort," Nebuchadnezzar admitted (ch 3:29). By erecting the golden image Nebuchadnezzar defied God's express declaration in ch 2:38, 39 that his kingdom would fall and be succeeded by other kingdoms. His imperial policy was to found a kingdom that would last forever. The fiery furnace expressed his fixed purpose to silence all opposition to this plan, but the providential deliverance of the 3 worthies from its flames effectively revealed to the king the fact that he had no power to thwart the purposes of the Omnipotent One (Dan 3:28). The experience of ch 4--the 7 years during which his own vaunted wisdom and power were temporarily removed--taught the king not only that the Most High is omniscient (ch 2) and omnipotent (ch 3) but that He rules in the affairs of men (ch 4:17, 25, 32). Nebuchadnezzar was now willing to admit that in wisdom, power, and authority the God of heaven transcends all the prowess of man. But the rulers who succeeded Nebuchadnezzar upon the throne of Babylon deliberately refused to profit from his experience. They openly defied the God of heaven (ch 5:23), in the full knowledge of what they were doing (v 22). Instead of fulfilling the divine purpose in its existence the kingdom of Babylon became proud and cruelly oppressive. It was weighed in the divine balances and found wanting (vs. 25­28), and world dominion passed to the Persians (vs. 30, 31).

In the deliverance of Daniel from the lions' den God demonstrated His power and authority before the leaders of the Persian Empire (Dan 6:20­23), and led Darius to acknowledge Him as "the living God" (v 26) and to admit that "the law of the Medes and Persians, which altereth not" (v 8) must yield before the decrees of the Most High. Evidently impressed favourably by this, and by the prophecies outlining his role in the restoration of the Jews to their homeland (Is 44:26 to 45:13), Cyrus fulfilled his divinely appointed mission and issued the decree for their return. The historical section of the book of Daniel thus demonstrates the principle that divine wisdom, power, and authority operate through the history of nations for the eventual fulfilment of the divine purpose.

The prophetic portions of the book of Daniel contain 4 great lines of prophecy: (1) the great image of ch 2, (2) the 4 beasts and little horn of ch 7, (3) the ram, he-goat, and little horn of chs 8 and 9, and (4) the kings of north and south, of chs 10­12. Each of the 4, in its own particular way and from its own point of view, traces the history of the world from the time of Daniel onward. All 4 converge on the close of earth's history and come to a focus on the eternal kingdom that the God of heaven proposes one day to set up. All 4 are concerned with the struggle between the forces of good and evil on this earth from the time of Daniel to the establishment of that kingdom; and are thus, in general, parallel in scope and nature.

Though the primary purpose of the dream of Dan 2, in its setting in the historical section of the book, was to reveal to Nebuchadnezzar his role as ruler of Babylon, and incidentally to make known to him "what should come to pass hereafter" (vs. 29, 30), it is of great value to us today. This prophecy provides a brief outline of world history down through 4 successive world powers, and makes only incidental references to the experiences of God's people. The 2nd prophecy--the vision of ch 7--covers the same ground but emphasises the experiences of God's people, their ultimate victory, and God's judgement upon their adversaries. The 3rd and 4th visions came to Daniel after the Babylonian Empire had run its course, or nearly so, and that empire therefore does not figure in either of them. The 3rd vision emphasises Satan's attempts to thwart the plan of salvation as represented by the sanctuary service and the chosen people (ch 8:9­14, 23­26). The restoration from Babylonian captivity is promised (ch 9:24­26), but with this promise comes the warning of a future desolation that will terminate only with the final "consummation" (chs 8:17, 19; 9:26, 27). The 4th vision (chs 10­12) differs from the others in that it is couched in literal, rather than figurative, language. Nevertheless, it covers some of the ground of the ones that precede it, but with added detail and thoroughness at certain points. In particular, it provides a more complete preview of the experiences of God's people prior to the first advent of Christ and also prior to His second advent. The focus of emphasis in the 4th vision is on "what shall befall thy people in the latter days: for yet the vision is for many days" (ch 10:14), and "the time appointed was long" (v 1). The narrative outline of history covered in ch 11:2­39 leads up to "the latter days" (ch 10:14) and the events that were to occur in "the time of the end" (ch 11:40).

The prophecies of Daniel are closely related to those of the book of Revelation. The Revelation covers some of the same ground, but places particular emphasis on the role of the Christian church as God's chosen people. Thus details that may be obscure in the book of Daniel are often clarified by comparison with the Revelation. That portion of the prophecy of Daniel relating to the last days was sealed (Dan 12:4), whereas John was specifically instructed to "seal not the sayings" of his prophecy, since "the time is at hand" (Rev 22:10). Accordingly, certain obscure portions of the book of Daniel are unsealed in the Revelation.

In view of the generally parallel nature of the 4 visions as to scope and content, a composite picture of the information supplied by all 4 on each major point is particularly helpful. All 4 look forward to "the latter days," or "the time of the end," when God will deliver His people from their enemies and when they "shall take the kingdom" (Dan 2:28, 29, 45; Dan 7:1, 2, 18; 8:13, 14, 17, 19, 26; 10:1, 14; 12:1, 6). The first two visions introduce Babylon, one as the golden head of the image (ch 2:32, 37, 38) and the other as a lion with eagle's wings (ch 7:4). The Persian Empire (The Persian Empire Under Cyrus, Darius I and Xerxes) figures in all 4, in the 1st as the breast and arms of silver (ch 2:32, 39), in the 2nd as a bear (ch 7:5), in the 3rd as a ram with 2 horns (ch 8:3, 4, 20), and in the 4th, in literal language, under several of its kings (chs 10:20; 11:2). "Greece"--that is, the Greco-Macedonian-Oriental Empire of Alexander--and its successors, the Hellenistic kingdoms (The Hellenistic World), appear in the 1st vision as the bronze "belly" and "thighs" of the image (ch 2:32, 39), in the 2nd as a leopard with 4 wings (ch 7:6), in the 3rd as a male goat with its horns (ch 8:5­8, 21, 22), and in the 4th in literal language, under Alexander and his successors (chs 10:20; 11:2­4). The career of Rome (The Roman Empire in the First Century (A.D.)) is depicted in the 1st vision as the iron legs of the image (ch 2:33, 40), in the 2nd as an indescribably ferocious beast (ch 7:7, 19, 23), in the 3rd as a little horn that became exceedingly powerful (ch 8:9, 10, 23, 24), and in the 4th in literal but somewhat obscure language (commentators disagree as to where Rome is first introduced; some believe as early as ch 11:14; others, later). Rome's opposition to Christ is presented in the 3rd and 4th visions (chs 8:11, 12; 11:22, 30). The European nations that succeeded Rome are pictured in the 1st vision as the feet of the image, of iron and clay mixed together (ch 2:33, 42, 43), and in the 2nd as the 10 horns of the indescribably ferocious beast (ch 7:7, 20, 24; possibly also in ch 11:31). The apostasy which developed into the Papacy figures in the 1st vision only incidentally, but comes in for extended comment later. Its opposition to God and Christ is represented in the 2nd vision under the symbol of a little horn with a blasphemous mouth (Dan 7:8, 20, 25), in the 3rd by the little horn in its later phase (ch 8:9­12, 23­25), and in the 4th--according to one interpretation--as a wilful king who exalts himself against God (ch 11:31­38). An alternate interpretation applies vs. 36­38 to Turkey and France. Its opposition to God's people and to the truth is similarly depicted (chs 7:21, 22, 25; 8:10­13, 24; 11:30­35; 12:1, 10). Papal policy is delineated in chs 7:8, 20, 25; 8:11­14, 19, 25; and, according to one interpretation, in ch 11:31, 36­39, 44, 45. An alternate interpretation applies the latter to Turkey and France. The ultimate end of earthly kingdoms is spoken of in the 1st vision under the symbol of the shattering of the image by a stone (ch 2:34, 35, 44, 45), in the 2nd under the figure of the final judgement (ch 7:9­12, 16), in the 3rd by the breaking "without hand" (see chs 8:14, 17, 19, 25; 9:27), and in the 4th by Michael standing up to deliver His people (chs 11:27, 35, 45; 12:1, 2). In the 1st vision the reception by Christ of His kingdom appears under the figure of a stone that fills the earth (ch 2:34, 35, 44, 45), in the 2nd it is referred to literally, as the Son of man receiving dominion (ch 7:13, 14), and in the 4th, as Michael standing up (ch 12:1). The 4 visions thus collectively present a composite preview of the process by which God purposed to work out His will through the process of history, how those who love and serve Him would suffer but eventually triumph, and how "the kingdoms of this world" would "become the kingdoms of our Lord, and of his Christ" (Rev 11:15).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

As stated in Deuteronomy 1:1­5, the 40 years of *wilderness wandering were now in the past, and Israel had encamped to the east of the Jordon River opposite Jericho, in the land of Moab (cf. Num 25:1). The conquest of the region to the east of Jordan had already been completed (Deuteronomy 1:4), and now for about 2 months (Deuteronomy 1:3; cf. Jos 4:19) preparations were being made for the invasion of Canaan proper, to the west of the river. During this time Balaam essayed to curse Israel, on behalf of Balak, king of Moab (Num 22 to 24): 24,000 of the people died as a result of apostasy (ch 25); Joshua was ordained to succeed Moses (Num 27:18­23; Deuteronomy 1:38), and Moses died (Deuteronomy 34). Most important of all, Moses delivered 3 memorable addresses summarising the experiences and lessons of the Exodus, reviewing the laws already revealed and enacted, and writing out these addresses and laws (ch 31:24­26). The generation that had come out of Egypt had died in the wilderness, and a new generation had risen. Before they should enter upon their promised inheritance in the land of Canaan, and upon the arduous conquest of the land, they needed a clear concept of God's purpose in giving them the land and in driving out its former inhabitants. They needed, also, a clear concept of what God expected of them once they had come into possession of the land, and of the laws that were to regulate their conduct. Finally, the people renewed the covenant made at Sinai with their fathers (Deuteronomy 5:1­3; 29:1). Whereas in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers, God delivers the various laws to Moses at various times, here Moses stands in the role of lawgiver, at God's command (chs 1:1­4; 5:1; 29:1).

The purpose of the book of Deuteronomy is to inspire an intelligent loyalty to God, through a review of His providential guidance in times past and through an exposition of His holy precepts. The lofty spiritual tone of the book is evident from the fact that when Jesus was called upon to summarise the divine requirements, He cited as "the first and great commandment" a passage from Deuteronomy (ch 6:5). The principle set forth in this commandments is repeated again and again in the book (chs 10:12; 30:6). The code of laws recorded in Deuteronomy applies the principles of the Decalogue--love toward God and toward one's fellow men--to the circumstances under which Israel was to live in the land of Canaan. The theme of the book is Israel's unique relationship, as a unique people, to a unique God. In carrying out this theme Moses lays great stress on monotheism, that is, on the fact that there is only one true God (chs 4:35, 39; 6:4; 10:17; 32:39), on God's supreme rulership in heaven and on earth (chs 7:19; 10:14), on His graciousness and faithfulness (chs 7:6­9; 28:58; 32:6), and on His exacting claim to exclusive worship and service (chs 7:4; 29:24­26; 31:16, 17). The great watchword of the Jewish people down through the centuries and millenniums--"Hear, O Israel: The Lord our God is one Lord"--is taken from ch 6:4. Furthermore, God had chosen Israel "to be a special people unto himself, above all people that are upon the face of the earth" (ch 7:6), and graciously invited them to enter into covenant relationship with Him (vs. 6­13). Through the covenant they were to become heirs to all the promises formerly made to their forefathers (chs 4:31; 7:12; 8:18; 29:13) and to be established as God's special representatives to the nations of earth (Deuteronomy 4:6­9; 28:1­14). Unprecedented blessings were to be bestowed upon them as a result of compliance and for the purpose of demonstrating the superiority of the worship and service of the true God above all false gods (ch 28:1­14), and corresponding curses for a failure to comply with the requirements of the covenant to which they had voluntarily agreed (chs 27:14­26; 28:15­68). Ever since it was first written, the book of Deuteronomy has been considered by the Jewish people the supreme revelation of the divine will for them as a nation, and was accorded a place of special honour by the sacred ark of the covenant (ch 31:25, 26).

Following a brief historical preface (Deuteronomy 1:1­5), Moses delivers the 1st of the 3 addresses, which is recorded in chs 1:6 to 4:49. This address consists primarily of a review of events that had taken place since Israel's departure from Mount Horeb 38 years before, and of instructions of a general nature anticipating the entrance into Canaan. Moses recounts the command to leave Horeb and to set out for the Promised Land (ch 1:6­8), the administrative arrangements for the journey (vs. 9­18), and the debacle at Kadesh-barnea that resulted in 38 years of wandering in the wilderness (vs. 19­46). Moses next recounts, briefly, events that took place during this period of wandering, through territory that was not to become their possession, until the people arrived at the river Arnon (ch 2:1­23). Then, at greater length, he relates the conquest of the regions to the east of the Jordan belonging to Sihon, king of the Amorites, and Og, king of Bashan (chs 2:24 to 3:11). This land was distributed among the Reubenites, the Gadites, and the half tribe of Manasseh (ch 3:12­17), and provision was made that the tribes thus settled would assist their brethren in the conquest of the land to the west of the Jordan (vs. 18­20). Moses tells also of his request to participate in the conquest of Cannan proper and of God's denial of the request (vs. 21­29). Approximately, therefore, he exhorts the people to be faithful to God inasmuch as they are soon to go forward without him (ch 4:1­40). There follows a brief interlude reporting the appointment of 3 cities of refuge in the land already subdued, and a statement of the full possession of the territory to the east of the Jordan (vs. 41­49).

The 2nd address, delivered on another occasion a little later than the 1st, occupies Deuteronomy 5:1 to 26:19, the major portion of the book. First, Moses relates the awesome circumstances under which God delivered the Decalogue from the heights of Sinai (ch 5:1­5), repeats the Decalogue itself with slight variations in wording from the version recorded in Ex 20:3­17 (Deuteronomy 5:6­21), and stresses the importance of strict obedience based on love for God (vs. 22­33). There follows an earnest admonition to observe all the precepts Moses is about to deliver, precepts that had been revealed to Moses and that applied the principles of the Decalogue to the circumstances under which the people were to live in the land of Canaan (ch 6:1­25). Moses then explains Israel's unique relation to God as His chosen people, as epitomised in the covenant relationship, and upon this basis strictly forbids any and all association with the heathen peoples of Canaan that would tend to lure Israel away from their unique privilege as the chosen people and their solemn responsibility to represent the true God (ch 7:1­15). Certain details regarding the conquest and settlement are outlined, and success is assured, subject to loyalty on Israel's part (vs. 16­26). Chapter 8 constitutes an exhortation to keep God foremost in the affections and in the daily life (ch 8:1­20). By a narration of repeated occasions of apostasy and backsliding since the departure from Egypt, Moses admonishes the people to humility and loyalty (chs 9:1 to 10:11). Special emphasis is given to the apostasy at Mount Sinai occasioned by the golden calf, as an example of what Israel must, at all costs, avoid in the future. This is followed by another earnest appeal to love God and to obey Him from the heart (chs 10:12 to 11:32). In the next section of the address Moses reviews and comments on the religious precepts and provisions earlier revealed at Mount Sinai (chs 12:1 to 16:17). Israel is to destroy every vestige of heathen worship and to establish a special centre for the worship of the true God, and false prophets are to be stoned to death (chs 12; 13). The people are to avoid heathen customs (ch 14:1­21), and to be faithful in supporting the worship of God by their tithes and offerings (vs. 22­29). Provision is made for the sabbatic year and for the major religious festivals (chs 15:1 to 16:17). The final and lengthiest section is a compendium of civil and social legislation (chs 16:18 to 26:19). Judges are to be appointed (Deuteronomy 16:18 to 17:13), and a monarchy, when eventually established, is to be conducted on the basis of the laws now promulgated and on the principles of the covenant (ch 17:14­20). Leadership is to be vested in the Levites and in divinely commissioned prophets (ch 18). Provision is made for the prevention of a miscarriage of justice (ch 19:1­13). Sundry civil and social laws are codified (chs 19:14 to 25:19). As a sort of postscript, Moses again returns to the covenant between God and His people, and to their loyalty to Him (ch 26).

The 3rd address focuses attention on the preservation of the covenant relationship and its inviolability (Deuteronomy 27:1 to 30:20). Provision is made for the reading of the law and for the erection of a permanent monument on which its provisions are to be inscribed (ch 27:1­13). At a solemn ceremony the people are to renew their vows of obedience to the covenant and its provisions (vs. 14­26). The blessings that are to follow obedience (ch 28:1­14) and the curses that are to accompany disobedience (vs. 15­68) are outlined in detail. Moses further exhorts to obedience and closes with a tribute to divine graciousness and an appeal to remain loyal to God (chs 29; 30).

In the closing section of the book (Deuteronomy 31 to 34) Moses makes arrangements for the preservation of the law and solemnly charges the leaders with the responsibility of teaching its precepts to the people (ch 31); he makes arrangements for Joshua to succeed him (v 23). He praises God for His gracious mercy and guidance (ch 32:1­43), makes arrangements for his own death (vs. 44­52), and pronounces his final blessing upon the tribes of Israel (ch 33). He ascends Mount Nebo, views the Promised Land, dies, and is succeeded by Joshua (ch 34).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

In Ecclesiastes Solomon sets forth his philosophy of life on the basis of his own experience. In succession he had sought ultimate happiness through the pursuit of knowledge, in sensory pleasure and luxury, and by magnificent building projects and vast enterprises (chs 1 and 2). As a powerful young ruler blessed with unique wisdom and wealth, he had lacked no facilities in his quest for happiness, yet when he had secured all that human ingenuity could provide along each path of endeavour he found only "vanity and vexation of spirit" and concluded that in none of them was there any "profit under the sun" (ch 2:11). What distressed him more than anything else, however, was the fact that at the close of a lifetime of labour the wise and diligent man was no better off than the fool, since both were alike in death, and what he had learned and gathered and produced must be left to men who may prove to be fools (vs. 14­23). Therefore he despaired of his labours and came to hate life itself (vs. 20, 17). Instead of happiness he had found only vexation of heart (v 22). A cynical attitude darkened his outlook on life and, for practical purposes, he became an agnostic. Losing sight of God, his natural tendencies gained the supremacy over reason, and with his reason increasingly subordinated to inclination, his moral sensibilities were blunted, his conscience seared, and his judgement perverted. Toward the close of life he realised that a lifetime of folly had made him into "an old and foolish king" (Ec 4:13). Conscience awakened and he saw folly in its true light. Spurred on by sincere repentance he sought to retrace his wayward steps, as best he might, and chastened in spirit he finally turned, wearied and thirsting, from earth's broken cisterns to drink once more at the fountain of life.

Having himself learned the great lesson of life the hard way, Solomon sought to counteract his years of evil influence, and to guide others along the pathway to faith in God. Guided by Inspiration, he recorded the history of his wasted years, with their lessons of warning, setting forth a sound philosophy of life and clarifying the purpose of man's existence and stating in simple terms man's duty and destiny. In this life men are to be content with the opportunities and privileges God has afforded them (Ec 2:24; 3:12, 22; 5:18), making the most of them in co-operation with, and obedience to, their Creator. In fact, "the conclusion of the whole matter" is that "the whole duty of man" can be summed up in the one admonition to "fear God, and keep his commandments" (ch 12:13), in view of the fact that when life is over man must be ready to stand in judgement before God (ch 11:9). In the prologue Solomon dwells upon the futility of life (Ec 1:1­11). Next he relates his own futile experience in quest of happiness (chs 1:12 to 2:26). Nevertheless, he affirms that there is a purpose to life, that there is an appropriate time for everything, and that even the seeming injustices of life are not without purpose (chs 3:1 to 4:8). He then contrasts the value of companionship, wisdom, reverence, and justice (chs 4:9 to 5:9) with the folly of materialism, the incomprehensibility of suffering, and the seeming futility of human effort (chs 5:10 to 6:12). Character, an understanding of God's dealings with men, and a balanced outlook on life are the things worth striving for (ch 7:1­22). The closing chapters of the book summarise the disappointments and conflicts he has encountered in his search for wisdom (chs 7:23 to 8:15). God's ways are often inscrutable, but one may be content amid the vicissitudes of life in the certain knowledge that every deed will have its due reward (chs 8:16 to 12:14).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

During the course of his 3rd Missionary Journey Paul laboured in Ephesus for approximately 3 years (Acts 20:31), and may have personally evangelised some of the other cities of the province as well (Acts 19:10, 26). At the time of writing the epistle he was in prison, a fact to which reference is repeatedly made (Eph 3:1; 4:1; 6:20), apparently at Rome during his first imprisonment there. For this reason Ephesians is commonly grouped with Philippians, Colossians, and Philemon, which were written during this same imprisonment (see Php 1:13, 14; Col 4:18; Phm 1:1, 9), which continued for 2 for 2 years or a little more (Acts 28:30), from a.d. 61­63. In Eph 6:21, 22 Tychicus is mentioned as the bearer of that epistle, and in Col 4:7, 8 as the bearer of that epistle, and when v 9 is taken with Phm 10, 12 it seems evident that Onesimus accompanied Tychicus on the same mission. Apparently the 3 letters were written and dispatched at the same time, perhaps in the year a.d. 62. The numerous and striking parallels between Ephesians and Colossians (Eph 1:1 cf. Col 1:1; 1:13 cf. 1:5; 2:16 cf. 1:4, 9; 2:12 cf. 1:21; 2:15 cf. 2:14; 2:16 cf. 1:22; 6:18 cf. 4:2; 6:21 cf. 4:7) tend to confirm still further the close relationship between the 2 epistles, in subject matter, as well as in point of time. In Col 4:16 Paul mentions a letter addressed to the church at Laodicea, which some have considered identical with the epistle commonly called Ephesians.

The central theme of Ephesians is the pre-eminent position of Christ in the divine provision for man's salvation, and the unity of believers in Him. In a cosmopolitan region such as the coast of Asia Minor bordering on the Aegean, where the Christian church doubtless included Gentiles of several different races in addition to the Jewish believers, there would be an especial need to develop the theme of unity in Christ as a means of binding men of diverse backgrounds together in Christian fellowship. Heresies that later developed in Roman Asia, such as the teachings of the Judaizers (2 Ti 1:15) and Docetism (see 1 Jn 4:1­3), both of which denied Christ His pre-eminent gospel role, may imply that already there were tendencies that Paul sought to check by his emphatic statement on the unique position of Christ in the faith of the believer. The phrase "in Christ," occurring 4 times in the first chapter (Eph 1:3, 10, 12, 20), sets the keynote of the book. In one way or another the Christian's close personal relationship with Christ is mentioned more than 20 times. The epistle may be considered a treatise on this subject.

After a brief salutation (Eph 1:1, 2) Paul develops the doctrinal theme of the book (chs 1:3 to 3:21) and then proceeds to show how a philosophy of life based on this exalted concept of unity in Christ should affect the believer in meeting the problems of life and church fellowship (chs 4:1 to 6:20). The letter closes with mention of the mission of Tychicus (ch 6:21, 22) and an apostolic benediction (vs. 23, 24). In the practical section (chs 4:1 to 6:20) Paul develops an appreciation for the gifts of the Spirit as a means of preserving Christian unity (ch 4:1­16), and then shows how true Christianity will transform the life of the individual believer (chs 4:17 to 5:21). Various home relationships--those of husband and wife, children and parents, servants and masters--are discussed at length, as the basis of unity in the church (chs 5:22 to 6:9). This section closes with a graphic portrayal of the spiritual armour, which alone will give the Christian victory in his contest with the devil (ch 6:10­20).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

The identity of the author of the book of Esther is unknown. However, the historical accuracy of the narrative and its many intimate details now confirmed by archaeology, together with certain characteristic word forms used in the book, and the fact that the writer had access to the official texts of the various decrees mentioned and quoted, all point to someone as the author who lived in Susa (Shushan) at the time, who was familiar with the palace grounds and buildings, who had access to the royal archives, and who was an educated Jew. Ezra or Mordecai has been suggested as possibly being the writer. The implicit claim of the book that it is a factual account of historical events has been remarkably confirmed by archaeological discoveries. Numerous significant details of the royal palace at Shushan mentioned by the writer have been observed in the ruins that have been unearthed. Copies of the royal Persian decrees found in Egypt furnish parallels in form and style that corroborate the authenticity of the decrees cited in the narrative. The true-to-life description of Persian manners and customs corresponds to what is known from other sources. See Est 1:5, 10, 14; 2:9, 21, 23; 3:7, 12, 13; 4:6, 11; 5:4; 8:8, 10, 15; 9:30; 10:1, 2.

The historical setting of the book of Esther is to be found in events closely connected with Xerxes' disastrous Greek campaign that marked the last serious Persian attempt to incorporate the city-states of Greece into the Persian Empire. The 6 months' feast of ch 1, which was attended by officials from all parts of the empire, was apparently the great council of war at which plans were laid for the invasion of Greece, inasmuch as the massive campaign was launched as soon thereafter as preparations could possibly have been completed. Esther was made queen soon after Xerxes' return from Greece, and the crisis occasioned by Haman's decree arose 4 or 5 years later. The precise chronological data provided by the writer (chs 1:3; 2:12, 16; 3:7, 12; 8:9, 12; 9:1, 17­19) for the principal events mentioned in the narrative make possible this close correlation with the known events of secular history. If the writer had located the great feast, the reception of Esther as queen, or the experience with Haman at a time when Xerxes was some 1,500 mi. (c. 2,400 km.) away in Greece for a period of many months, the implicit claim of the book to be historical would be placed in serious doubt. Conversely, this close correspondence with the facts of history attests its authenticity.

As a literary masterpiece the book of Esther rates high. It consists of a fast-moving sequence of highly dramatic situations of epic quality. Esther is not only beautiful, but a woman of clear judgement, remarkable self-control, infinite tact, firm loyalty, and noble self-sacrifice, who rises to heights of heroic action. Haman is a hateful, clever, unscrupulous, and egotistical villain. The surprising series of providential coincidences that reach a climax in his exposure and death and in deliverance for the Jews, whose extinction as a race he had planned, match in dramatic suspense anything that fiction has to offer. Although God is not mentioned by name, His overruling providence is the great theme of the book from beginning to end. The book highlights, also, the transitory nature of earthly power and prosperity. Doubtless because of these things the medieval Jewish commentator Maimonides exalts the book of Esther above all the books of the Prophets and the rest of the Hagiographa and places it on a par with the Pentateuch. If God can deliver His people from a crisis such as the one that confronted them in the days of Esther, certainly no earthly situation can prove too difficult for Him and no crisis can be so dark as to leave His people without hope.

The narrative logically falls into 5 sections, the 1st of which explains how a Jewish maiden happens to become queen of the Persian Empire (Est 1:1 to Est 2:20). The narrative develops as Haman is promoted to the office of prime minister and plots to exterminate the Jews (chs 2:21 to 3:15) and Esther sets out to champion the cause of her people (chs 4:1 to 5:8). It reaches its climax with the fall of Haman (chs 5:9 to 7:10) and the triumph of the Jews over their enemies (chs 8:1 to 10:3). The story opens with a description of a high festival of state at which all the princes and nobles of Persia are present, but which becomes the occasion for the deposition of Vashti as queen and the eventual appointment of Esther as her successor to royal favour. Next, the incident by which Mordecai saves Xerxes' life is related, by way of explaining Mordecai's later role in the narrative (ch 2:21­23). Haman's appointment as prime minister leads indirectly to personal hatred for Mordecai (ch 3:1­6) and to the plot by which he seeks to take revenge by means of a royal decree that sentences all Jews to death (vs. 7­15). The Jews are in despair, but Mordecai perceives that Esther's position as queen has placed her in a position to approach the king. He prevails upon her to champion her people's cause at great personal risk (ch 4:1­17). Esther tactfully approaches the king and makes sure of his favour, step by step, before lodging her accusation against Haman. Her handling of the critical and delicate situation is a demonstration of consummate skill and tact (chs 5:1 to 7:6). During the course of Esthe's manoeuvres to bring the king and Haman together under circumstances suited to her purpose, Haman is utterly humiliated and disheartened by being required to parade Mordecai about the city in royal splendour at the very time he has purposed to hang his mortal enemy. After the exposure and death of Haman events move rapidly with the promotion of Mordecai to Haman's post as prime minister and the issuance of a decree that effectively checkmates the one promulgated earlier upon the insistence of Haman (Est 8:1 to 9:16). The remainder of ch 9 explains the historical basis for the Feast of Purim, which has been universally observed by the Jews ever since (ch 9:17­32). Chapter 10 constitutes a conclusion that relates briefly the honour that comes to Mordecai as prime minister and notes how he uses this high office not only to the advantage of Persia and its king but also to further the welfare of his own people, the Jews.

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

At the time of the Exodus (c. 1445 b.c.) Israel had been in Egypt about 215 years (see Chronology II, 2). The friendly kings of the Hyksos period, during whose dynasty Joseph and later Jacob settled in Egypt, had given way to the native Egyptian kings of the 18th dynasty about 135 years before the Exodus (see Ex 1:8). It was between this event and the birth of Moses, 80 years before the Exodus (ch 7:7), that the oppression of ch 1:9­22 began. The book of Exodus traces briefly the personal experiences of Moses during this preparatory period of his life, and then deals at length and in great detail with events of the 6 months or so preceding the departure from Egypt and the first 2 years thereafter--a period of approximately 2 1/2 years altogether. During this comparatively brief period the Hebrew people were transformed from a race of slaves into an independent nation, and the book of Exodus explains how this came about.

The book may be divided into 5 major sections: (1) the early life and training of Moses, Ex 1:1 to 4:31; (2) the 10 plagues upon the land of Egypt, chs 5:1 to 12:30; (3) the Exodus and the journey to Sinai, chs 12:31 to 19:2; (4) Israel constituted a nation at Sinai, chs 19:3 to 24:18; (5) construction of the tabernacle and arrangements for the ritual service, chs 25:1 to 40:38. In ch 1 a brief account is given of the enslavement of the Hebrew people by the Egyptians, whereas ch 2 traces the life of Moses down to the close of his sojourn in the land of Midian. Moses' call to liberate the Hebrew people and his return to Egypt are related in chs 3 and 4. Chapters 5 and 6 deal with preliminary moves to secure the release of the Hebrews. In chs 7 to 10 the first 9 plagues are described. In chs 11:1 to 13:16 we find a record of the 10th plague and of the institution of the Passover, which took place simultaneously. Outstanding events on the way to Mount Sinai--the crossing of the Red Sea, the miraculous provision of water and food, the repeated murmuring of the people, the victory over Amalek--occupy chs 13:17 to 19:2. While Israel was encamped at Mount Sinai God revealed to them His moral law (chs 19:3 to 20:21), and a civil code, applying the principles of the moral law to the polity of Israel as a nation (chs 20:22 to 23:33). He revealed also His covenant that constituted Israel a theocracy (ch 24), and gave detailed instructions for the erection of the tabernacle and for the preparation of facilities to be used in connection with it (chs 25:1 to 31:18). A brief interlude relates Israel's apostasy and restoration to divine favour (chs 32:1 to 34:35). In chs 35:1 to 40:38 we find a detailed record of the actual construction of the tabernacle and the fabrication of such items as anointing oil, incense, and the priestly vestures to be used in connection with it, and finally the account of Moses' inspection and approval of the workmanship, and the erection of the structure, ready for use. The departure from Mount Sinai took place less than 2 months after the events of the book of Exodus came to a close (Ex 40:17; Num 10:11, 12).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

By the time of the Babylonian captivity more than 8 centuries had passed since the formal covenant at Mount Sinai by which Israel as a nation had accepted God's invitation to become His chosen people and had pledged itself to Him as theocratic ruler. In the divine purpose the Jewish people, by strict obedience to God's wise and just requirements, were to reflect God's character and to become the recipients of spiritual and material blessings that would testify to the nations of the earth of the superiority of the worship and service of the true God above all false gods. But continued and increasing apostasy finally made it clear that only by the most severe measures could the Jewish nation ever be expected to realise its high mission. The people had forgotten that it was only by virtue of their covenant agreement with God that they occupied the Land of Promise, and that apostasy meant the forfeit of that right. Accordingly, God sent them into exile to learn under adverse circumstances the lesson they had failed to learn in times of prosperity, namely, that they must accept the responsibilities of the covenant relationship if they would enjoy its privileges. God purposed that the leaders of Israel, who were chiefly at fault, should be sent into exile (Is 3:12; 9:16; Eze. 34:2-19; Dan 1:3, 4), but that the vast majority of the people were to remain in their homeland, awaiting there the return of a chastened leadership. In order that the people might understand and co-operate with the divine purpose in the Captivity, God sent the prophet Jeremiah to instruct those who remained behind, and commissioned Ezekiel to be His spokesman to the exiles in Babylon. Simultaneously God sent Daniel as His ambassador to the court of Babylon, to secure Nebuchadnezzar's submission to, and co-operation with, His purpose.

As Ezekiel himself relates, he "was among the captives by the river of Chebar" (Eze. 1:1), probably at Tel-abib (ch 3:15), having been transported there with the 2nd contingent of exiles, at the time of Jehoiachin's captivity in 597 b.c., from which event the numerous chronological notices in the book are computed (Eze. 1:2). Apparently the exiles at Tel-abib were permitted to administer their own local affairs through a group of "elders" (see chs 8:1; 14:1; 20:1, 3), and were permitted to communicate with the leaders who remained in Jerusalem (Jer 29:1, 24-29). As a whole, the exiles doubtless led a reasonably normal social and economic life (see ch 29:5-10, 28).

Ezekiel was called to the prophetic office in midsummer, in 593/92 b.c. (Eze. 1:2). Whereas former prophets had largely been content simply to date their messages by noting the reign of the king under which the messages were given, Ezekiel and Jeremiah often provide practically complete chronological information, giving the month and day as well as the year, so that it is possible to correlate the messages with specific historical developments. This greatly helps in understanding the import of the successive messages, since each is thus dated. Ezekiel's ministry, at least insofar as his recorded messages are concerned, seems to have been concentrated largely within the 7 years immediately preceding the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple in 586 b.c. and in the next few months thereafter. His ministry extended at least some 15 years later, to 571/70 b.c.

If a title were to be given the book appropriate to its contents, perhaps none would serve better than "captivity and Restoration," since these subjects are the 2 foci around which the messages cluster. Chapters 1-33 are concerned with the former; chs 34-48 deal with the latter, the arrival of news concerning the fall of Jerusalem (ch 33:21) logically dividing the book into 2 parts. The constantly recurring theme that binds the 2 sections together is "Ye shall know that I am the Lord" (chs 6:7; 7:4; etc.). This expression or its equivalent occurs more than 60 times and emphasises the fundamental cause of Israel's failure hitherto "they did not understand or appreciate God's righteous character or the exalted purpose and destiny that the covenant relationship vouchsafed to them as a nation. The Captivity was ordained to teach them this all-important lesson. Messages borne by Ezekiel prior to the arrival of word that Jerusalem had fallen were designed to secure the co-operation of the exiles with God's plan for the Captivity. The exiles were to submit to Nebuchadnezzar (for a period of 70 years; Jer 25:12; 29:10).

About the time Ezekiel received his call to the prophetic office in Babylonia, King Zedekiah at Jerusalem was entertaining envoys from neighbouring nations seeking an alliance to rise in revolt and throw off the Babylonian yoke (Jer 27:2, 3). Jeremiah warned that the yokes of wood they proposed to break would be replaced with yokes of iron (see ch 28:10, 12). Among the false prophets at Jerusalem were some who predicted the end of the Captivity and the return of the captives "within two full years" (vs. 3, 4, 11). The Jews in Babylonia apparently shared the expectation of a brief captivity (see ch 29:28). It was these circumstances that led Jeremiah to counsel submission to God's plan for an extended captivity (chs 27:4-17; 29:5-13, 28) and that formed the background for Ezekiel's messages recorded in Eze. 1-23. Jeremiah 24-33, on the other hand, deals more particularly with the siege of Jerusalem and its fall in 586. With a spirit of unwarranted optimism the Jews blindly believed that God would not allow this calamity to come (Jer 7:4; 17:15; 26:8, 9; Eze. 11:3, 15; etc.), but both Jeremiah (Jer 26:6) and Ezekiel (Eze. 11:5-11) sought to dispel this vain hope. When the destruction of the city and the Temple eventually dashed this vain hope to the ground the Jewish people gave themselves up to despair, apparently fearing that the Captivity would be permanent and that their nation would never be restored. Their national pride thus fully humbled, the people stood in need of encouragement, lest their loss of hope should incapacitate them for learning the great lesson of the Captivity and for responding to the eventual summons to return and rebuild Jerusalem. Such encouragement God sent through the prophet Jeremiah (Jer 31:27 to 33:26) to the Jews who remained in Jerusalem, and through Ezekiel to the exiles in Babylonia (Eze. 34-48).

The mysterious vision of God's throne and the "wheel in the middle of a wheel" (Eze. 1:26, 16) that accompanied Ezekiel's commission to the prophetic office was designed to impress upon the prophet the greatness and majesty of God (cf. Is 6:1-8). Boldly he was to proclaim the words that God gave him to speak (Eze. 2:3-8), not quailing at the people's dullness of perception and their hardness of heart (ch 3:1-11). He became not only God's spokesman (Eze. 2:8; 3:1) but His watchman over the house of Israel (ch 3:15-21). As a reminder of Ezekiel's role as spokesman and watchman, God inflicted dumbness upon him (v 26) and gave him the faculty of speech only when bearing the messages God should bid him speak (v 27). This experience served also as a testimony to the people that God was indeed speaking through the prophet. With the arrival of news that Jerusalem had fallen, his tongue was loosed (ch 33:21, 22).

Ezekiel's first message (Eze. 4-7) announces the inevitability of the fall of Jerusalem. He is to act out the siege in pantomime in order to impress the exiles (ch 4:1-8) and to depict the sufferings of the people during that time (chs 4:9 to 6:7). A remnant will escape, however (ch 6:8-14). But an "end is come" (ch 7), and the centuries of warning are to be fulfilled without further delay. The 2nd message (chs 8-19) delineates in bold strokes the reason for the Captivity, particularly for the impending blow of 586 b.c. that was to lay Jerusalem waste-Israel's now absolute apostasy. Chapter 8 etches a vivid picture of how the sacred precincts of the Temple were at that very time being prostituted to various forms of heathen worship, and the vision of the man with a writer's inkhorn in ch 9 announces the close of the city's period of probation. The coals of fire scattered over the city (ch 10:2) depict the same idea, which is confirmed by a repetition of the vision of ch 1, thus stressing the fact that what is to take place is the divine will (ch 10:3-22). In ch 11 Ezekiel is shown the stubborn opposition of the people in Jerusalem to the idea that the city will fall. By the graphic device of moving his own household effects (ch 12:1-7) he reinforces the divine proclamation concerning the city's fate (vs. 8-20) and declares that God will no longer delay the fulfilment of His word (vs. 21-28). Ezekiel then warns against the messages of the false prophets (ch 13), and when the elders come to restrain him, he boldly declares their sins and repeats the warning of judgement (chs 14; 15). By an allegory he sets forth God's persistent efforts to exalt Israel, and their persistent apostasy (ch 16). It is the failure of the contemporary leaders that has made the fall of Jerusalem inevitable (ch 17), and they cannot escape responsibility by blaming their woes on the sins of their fathers (chs 18; 19). The 2nd message (chs 20-23) covers generally the same ground as the 2nd and closes with another lengthy allegory depicting Israel's apostasy. The 4th message (Eze. 24; possibly also ch 25) announces the beginning of the siege, and the destruction of the Temple is graphically portrayed by the death of the prophet's own wife-the "desire" of his eyes, as the Temple was the "desire" of every Jew. In ch 25 Ezekiel inveighs against the neighbour nations for taking advantage of the Jews in their hour of extremity. The next section (chs 26-32) consists of a series of messages given at different times, in which God declares His purpose to judge the neighbouring nations as well as Israel, with particular attention given to the Phoenician city of Tyre and to Egypt. Chapter 33 consists mostly of messages addressed to the prophet himself, reiterating his status as a watchman over Israel, though vs. 21, 22 related the incident (dated 2 mos. earlier than ch 32) of the arrival of news of the fall of Jerusalem.

The 2nd part of the book of Ezekiel (chs 34 to 48) consists of a series of messages dealing with various aspects of the restoration from captivity. God will restore His people to their land and enter into a new covenant with them (ch 34). The triumph of Israel will be accompanied by the desolation of their foes (ch 35). God will give His people a new heart, to obey Him, and will do better by them than ever before (ch 36). The nation will be revived, and the 2 kingdoms, Judah and Joseph (the 10 tribes), will be reunited under the house of David (ch 37). All of their enemies will be destroyed (chs 38; 39). The Temple will be rebuilt, more ample and glorious than ever (chs 40-42). God will again take up residence among His people, and the priestly service will be reinaugurated (chs 43; 44). The land will be reapportioned (ch 45), and "the prince" (Messiah) will come and go among them (ch 46). From the Temple there will flow forth a healing stream that restores the entire earth to Edenic beauty, thus depicting the extension of God's sovereignty over the whole earth (Eze. 47). The city itself is described , and its name given as "the Lord is there" (ch 48).

It should be remembered that Ezekiel was describing for the exiles in Babylon God's plans for their return and for the restored state of 12 tribes, plans centring on the city and Temple to which the Messianic Prince would come. However, because of unfaithfulness the returned Jews failed to realise what was envisioned by Ezekiel. For a discussion of prophecies of this type see Prophet, II.

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

Jewish tradition (Talmud, Baba Bathra 15a) identifies Ezra as the principal writer of Ezra-Nehemiah. Certain passages are written in the first person (Ezr 7:28 to 9:1­15), but without identifying the writer by name. Ezra is mentioned by name 7 times in ch 7 (vs. 1, 6, 10­12, 21, 25) and 6 times in ch 10 (vs. 1, 2, 5, 6, 10, 16), but nowhere else in the book. Narrative sections in the 3rd person are chs 7:1­26; 8:35, 36; 10:1­44. The book thus leaves the matter of authorship undetermined. However, certain considerations clearly point to a Jew of the time of Ezra, or soon thereafter, as responsible for the composition of the book. In view of the fact that Ezra-Nehemiah originally constituted one work, and that the genealogical lists of Neh 12 terminate about 400 b.c., it is reasonable to suppose that the combined work was completed by that time. The precise details enumerated in connection with the return from Babylon, together with the royal Persian decrees quoted at length, possibly in full, point to the writer as a person familiar with these events and one who had access to the documents themselves. Two sections (Ezr 4:8 to 6:18; 7:12­26) are in Aramaic, and the remainder in Hebrew, a bilingual characteristic found also in the book of Daniel. Since Aramaic was the official language of the Persian Empire and a sort of lingua franca spoken widely even where it was not the native tongue, the bilingual nature of the book points to an educated Jew, possibly one in the service of the government, as the writer (see Ezr 7:6). The great linguistic similarities between the Aramaic portions of Ezra on the one hand, and a group of recently recovered *Aramaic Jewish documents dating from the same period, on the other, provide further testimony concerning a 5th-century date for the book. Similarly, the Hebrew portions of Ezra are strikingly similar in language and literary style, not only to Nehemiah, as might be expected, but also to Chronicles, and to a remarkable extent to Daniel and Haggai as well. Some have suggested that one writer was responsible for both Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah. Ezra, "a ready scribe," qualifies in every way as the writer, and there is no valid reason to deny his authorship.

Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther are the only historical books dealing with the postexilic period, and are most important as source material for events of that time, concerning which the Sacred Canon is otherwise silent, with the exception of slight information provided by the prophetic books of Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. The close of the 70-year period foretold by Jeremiah (Jer 25:11; cf. 29:10) witnessed the decree by Cyrus for the return of the Jews and the rebuilding of Jerusalem with its Temple. Apparently but a small fraction of the Jewish exiles returned to their homeland, leaving by far the larger number behind. Beset by enemies without (Ezr 4) and lethargy within (Hag 1:1­5), work on the Temple came to a halt. Some 15 years after the return under Zerubbabel, God raised up the prophets Haggai and Zechariah to encourage the people to a renewed effort, which, strengthened by a new decree issued by Darius, led to the completion of the Temple in 515 b.c. (see Ezr 5:1 to 6:15; Hag 1:12, 13; Hag 2:10­19). In half a century more, however, the moral and religious tone of Jerusalem had deteriorated, and it was under these circumstances that God inspired Ezra, the priest-scribe, to return from Babylonia to Jerusalem, where he instructed leaders and people in the law and led the way to a thoroughgoing reform (Ezr 9; Ezr 10). Some years afterward, however, temporal matters were still in lamentable state (Neh 1:3), and Nehemiah sought, and obtained, a royal commission to administer the affairs of Jerusalem and Judah (Neh 2:1­8). The united efforts of Ezra and Nehemiah, with the assistance of the Persian government and under God's blessing, completed the work of restoration--material, civil, economic, moral, and religious.

The books of Ezra and Nehemiah constitute our chief historical source for information concerning the restoration period of Judaism. They provide a record, as well, of the fulfilment in part of the prophecies of Isaiah and Jeremiah and Ezekiel regarding the return from captivity. They provide the historical background for understanding the prophetic messages of Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. Ezra opens with an account of Cyrus' decree for the return of the Jews and of their response to the call (Ezr 1:1­11). Chapter 2 lists and enumerates the returning exiles by families, the pedigrees of priest and Levite being of special importance. The restoration of the altar and the resumption of the daily sacrifices and the earlier stages of reconstruction occupy ch 3. Chapter 4 tells of the success of Samaritan efforts to halt the process of rebuilding, and chs 5 and 6 relate the means by which God opened the way for work to be again set forward, together with the completion of the new Temple and its dedication and the celebration of the Passover. In ch 7 Ezra relates the circumstances of his journey to Jerusalem and quotes the decree of Artaxerxes authorising him to complete the work of restoration, whereas in ch 8 he tells of the actual preparations for return, of the Jews who accompanied him, and of the arrival at Jerusalem. The lax moral conditions, particularly among the priests and the Levites, which Ezra found are recounted in ch 9, and in ch 10 the measures taken to effect a reform, together with a long list of the offenders.

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.

The book of Galatians deals with the greatest single doctrinal problem of the apostolic era--the relationship between Christianity and Judaism. To Christian believers of that time, and to Jewish Christians in particular, this was a perplexing problem. To begin with, Christianity was strictly Jewish. Our Lord, Himself a Jew (Romans 1:3), had declared salvation to be "of the Jews" (Jn 4:22). At His ascension He commanded that the gospel should first be preached to the Jews (Acts 1:8; cf. ch 13:46), and for some years thereafter most Christians were Jews and as such continued to practice the Mosaic rites and ceremonies. As devout Jews they naturally expected Gentile converts to conform to Jewish ritual requirements. But evidence that God accepted Gentile believers apart from Judaism (chs 10:44­48; 11:1­18; 15:1­20) posed the question as to whether the ancient rites and ceremonies were still essential to salvation. About a.d. 49 the Jerusalem Council (ch 15) officially resolved the issue, declaring Gentile Christians to be free from the requirements of Jewish law (vs. 19, 20), but in actual practice a great many Jewish Christians seem never to have fully understood or accepted the decision. It was difficult for them to grasp that the ritual system divinely ordained 15 cent. before had now become obsolete and unnecessary. A Judaizing party arose that advocated that all Gentile converts should become practising Jews, and sought to force their point of view upon Paul's Gentile converts. Such were the circumstances that called forth the Galatian epistle, which deals with the problem in terms of a particular situation that had arisen.

Against the Judaizing argument that Gentile believers must accept circumcision, the sign of the covenant and of admission to the commonwealth of Israel, Paul maintained that justification comes by faith in Christ alone (Gal 6:13; 5:1­4). Whereas the Judaizers held that salvation depends upon compliance with the legal requirements of the law of Moses, that is, upon "the works of the law" (ch 2:16), the book of Galatians declares this concept to be altogether incompatible with the principle of justification by faith (chs 2:21; 5:1­4; 6:15). Salvation cannot be earned, but must be accepted as a free gift. After a short introduction (ch 1:1­5) Paul briefly outlines the problem in Galatia (vs. 6, 7). He then affirms the divine origin of his version of the gospel and cites evidence to prove that the apostles in Jerusalem acknowledged its validity and his right to build up the Gentile church on that basis (chs 1:8 to 2:14). In the doctrinal argument that follows--the heart of the epistle--he essays, by setting forth evidence from the OT Scriptures, to prove that "a man is not justified by the works of the law, but by the faith of Jesus Christ" (chs 2:16 to 5:12). In chs 5:13 to 6:10 he makes a practical application of the principle of justification by faith by showing the fruit it will produce in the life of the believer.

The line of argument in the doctrinal section (Gal 2:16 to 5:12) proceeds thus: Salvation cannot be earned by compliance with the "works" prescribed by the Jewish law, but only by faith in Christ's death for sins and in His living out His life within the believer (ch 2:16­21). This the Galatians knew to be true because they had received the Holy Spirit by faith, altogether apart from works of law (ch 3:1­5). Abraham himself was justified by faith, and is therefore the spiritual father of believing Gentiles, who thereby become eligible to the blessings promised to him (vs. 6­9). No one has ever complied perfectly with the requirements of the law, and all are accordingly under the curse of the law and can be redeemed only by faith in Christ (vs. 10­14). The law was added 430 years after the covenant was vouchsafed to Abraham, as a "schoolmaster" until the coming of Christ, the covenant "seed," in order that men might the more readily enter into the covenant experience of salvation by faith. The law did not annul the covenant promise of salvation by faith in Christ, nor did it provide another way of salvation (Gal 3:15­29). Prior to the coming of Christ the Jews were like an heir during his nonage, with "the law" as their appointed guardian. But since Christ came men are no longer under the tutelage, or jurisdiction, of the legal system with its rites and ceremonies (ch 4:1­12). In a brief interlude Paul next reminds the Galatians of their joy upon accepting the gospel as he preached it (vs. 13­20). Then, by the allegory of Abraham's 2 sons (vs. 21­31), he stresses the point that believing Christians are, like Isaac, children of the covenant promise and thus not under bondage to the law as the children of a bondwoman would be. The line of argument is brought to a conclusion in ch 5:1­12, where Paul declares categorically what he has already proved, that circumcision and the other requirements of the legal system avail nothing for the Christian, and that anyone who seeks justification by the works of the law has fallen from grace.

The epistle to the Galatians was written to meet a specific situation in the apostolic church, but the principle therein set forth--that men are saved, not by supposed works of merit, but by faith alone--is as true today as it was then. Legalism of any kind--the seeking of merit with God by the performance of certain acts--is worthless, since "man is not justified by the works of the law, but by the faith of Jesus Christ" (Gal 2:16).

Horn, Siegfried H., Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Publishing Association) 1979.